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THE
CHURCH HISTORY OF BRITAIN;
FROM
THE BIRTH OF JESUS CHRIST UNTIL THE YEAR M.DC.XLVIII.
ENDEAVOURED
BY THOMAS FULLEIl, D.T)
PREBENDARY OF SARUM. A NEW EDITION, IN SIX VOLUMES,
BY THE REV. J. S. BREWER, M.A.
VOLUME IV.
OXFORD:
AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS.
M.DCCC.XLV.
^J
THE
CHURCH HISTORY
OF
BRITAIN.
THE SEVENTH BOOK,
CONTAINING THE REIGN OF KING EDWARD THE SIXTH.
FULLER, VOL. IV.
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TO
THE RIGHT HONOURABLE
LEICESTER DEVEREUX,
VISCOUNT HEREFORD, LORD FERRARS OF CHARTLEY, &c.»
My Lord,
^ REAT was the difference betwixt the breeding of Adonijah and Solomon, though sons to the same father : the former tasted not of reproof, much
less of correction ; it being never said unto him, Why hast thou done so ^ f
Solomon had his education on severer principles ; he was his parents' darling, not their fondling ''. It was after sounded in his ears, What my son^ ayid what the son of my womb ^ ?
Our English gentry too often embrace the first
^ [Sir Walter, the fifth vis- 499- His son Leicester suc- count, son and heir of sir Ed- ward Devereux, succeeded to the title in 1646, and died in T 66 1 . He was one of the peers sent by parliament to wait on king Charles IL at the Hague, in 1660. See Clarendon, vii.
ceeded him ; but I think that Fuller has mistaken the son's name for the father's.]
^ I Kings, i. 6.
c Prov. iv. 3.
d Prov. xxxi. 2.
B 2
4 DEDICATION.
course in breeding their children, whereby they become old men before they are wise men, because their fathers made them gentlemen before they were men; making them too soon to know the great means they are born to, and too long to be ignorant of any good quality, whereby to acquire a maintenance, in case their estates (as all things are uncertain) should fail or forsake them. Hence it is they are as unable to endure any hardship as David to march in Saul's armour, {for he had never proved it ^,) utterly unacquainted therewith.
But your discreet parents, though kind, were not cockering unto you, whom they sent very young into the Low Countries, where in some sort you earned what you eat in no less honourable than dangerous employment. This hath settled the sinews of your soul, and compacted the joints thereof, which in too many hang loose, as rather tacked than knit together.
Since being returned into England, partly by your patrimony, partly by your matrimony, an ancient and fair estate hath accrued unto you; yet it hath not grown (as St. Basil fancieth roses in Paradise before Adam's fall) without thorns and prickles. Many molestations attended it, through which you have waded in a good measure ; having had trials indeed, wherein, on what side soever the verdict went, you gained patience and experience.
^ I Sam. xvii. 39.
DEDICATION. 5
Indeed, there is an experience, the mistress of fools, which they learn by their losses, and those caused by their own carelessness or wilfulness in managing their affairs; but also there is one, the masterpiece of wise men to attain, wherein they observe the events of all things, after their utmost endeavours have submitted the success to Divine Providence. Yours is of the last and best kind, whereby you are become a skilful master of defence, knowing all the advantageous postures and guards in our laws, not thereby to vex others, but save yourself from vexation.
Thus having borne the yoke in your youth, you may the better afford ease and repose to your reduced age ; and having studied many men in arms, more in gowns, you now may solace yourself, and entertain the time with perusing of books; amongst which I humbly request this may have the favour of your honour's eye, to whom, on a double motive, it is dedicated : first, because containing the life of that prince who for his piety may be exem- plary to all persons of quality ; secondly, because it was he who conferred the highest (still remaining) honour on your family, advancing it (formerly very ancient amongst the barons) to the degree and dignity of viscounts ; wherein that it may long flourish in plenty and happiness, is the daily prayer
of
Your Honour's most obliged Servant,
THOMAS FULLER. B 3
[In the reign of Edward VI., Fuller has generally followed sir John Hayward's Life of that prince ; from him he has admitted several anecdotes into this book, which rest upon no better authority than that historian's word ; of whose history, and the mistakes contained in it, the reader may see a review by Strype in his Mem. ii. 470. Sir John Hayward's Life of this prince was first published in 4to, Lond. 1630; reprinted in i2mo, Lond. 1636, with an Appendix, containing "The Beginning of " the Reign of Queen Elizabeth." The latter is the edition here used. The book has been several times reprinted ; among others, by bishop Kennet in his Complete History of England.]
THE
CHURCH HISTORY
OP
BRITAIN.
BOOK VII.
ING Henry the Eighth, though dying a. d. 1547. excommunicate in the church of Rome, - — '. — L
had, notwithstanding, his obsequies so-fuibe^n!" lemnly performed at Paris in France, JJ|"^ ^^_ by the command of Francis the French ^^id. king% presuming so much on his own jDower and the pope's patience ; otherwise such courtesy to his friend might have cost him a curse to himself. Then began king Edward, his son, to reign, scarce ten years old, full of as much worth as the model of his age could hold. No pen passeth by him without praising him, though none praising him to his full deserts; yea, Sanders himself, having the stink of his railing tongue over-scented with the fragrant ointment of this prince's memory, though jeering him for his want of age, which was God's pleasure and not king Edward's fault, and mocking him for his religion, (the other's highest honour,) alloweth him in other respects large commendations.
a Godwin in Edvardo Sexto, pag. 158 = 292. B 4
8
The Church History
BOOK VII.
A.D. 1547- 2. No sooner was he come to the crown, but a
'■ — ^peaceable dew refreshed God's mheritance in Eng-
proTperitJ l^^^^' formerly parched with persecution; and this to the Pro- g-Qod anffcl struck off the fetters from many Peters
testants la ^3 o ^
England, in prisou, preserving those who were appointed to die; only Thomas Dobbe, fellow of St. John's in Cambridge, committed to the Compter in Bread Street, and condemned for speaking against the mass, died of a natural death, in respect of any public punishment by law inflicted on him ; but whether or no any private impression of violence hastened his end, God alone knoweth. His speedy death jjre- vented the pardon which the lord protector intended to send him '^ : Divine Providence so ordering it, that he should touch, not enter ; see, not taste ;
^ Fox, Acts &c., II. 65 5. [He was committed, not for merely speaking against the mass, but for interrupting the service in St. Paul's Church, when a priest Avas employed in elevating the host; " for which cause straight- "^ way he was apprehended by " the mayor, and afterward ac- " cused to the archbishop of " Canterbury, and committed *' to the Compter, then in Bread " Street ; where he not long " continued, but falling into a " sickness, how or whereupon *' I cannot tell, shortly upon " the same changed this mortal " life ; Avhose pardon, notwith- " standing, was obtained of the " lord protector, and should " have been brought him if he " had continued." Fox, II. 655. This person was acting contrary to law ; for, as it will be seen by the King's Injunctions im- mediately following, (artt. xxi. xxiii.)the mass was still allowed
in churches as it was in the last reign ; and in art. xxvii. of the same injunctions, all having care of churches are commanded "to " instruct and teach in their " cures that no man ought ob- " stinately and maliciously to " break and violate the laudable " ceremonies by the king com- " manded to be observed, and " as yet not abrogated." The administration of the eucharist, according to the present use of the church of England, was appointed on the 13 th of March, 1548, the parliament having resolved that such use was most agreeable " to the first institu- " tion and use of the primitive " church." See the letters from the council to the bishops for that purpose. Fox, II. 659. And accordingly, on the 6th of April, a proclamation was made that the ancient form should be disused throughout the realm. Stow, 596-]
CENT. XVI. of Britain. 9
behold, not reap benefit on earth of this Reforma-A.D. 1547. tion. Other confessors which had fled beyond sea, ' as John Hooper, Miles Coverdale, &c. S returned with joy into their country; and all Protestants, which formerly for fear had dissembled their religion, now publicly professed the same: of these, arch- bishop Cranmer was the chiefest ; who, though wil- lingly he had done no ill, and privately many good offices for the Protestants, yet his cowardly com- pliance hitherto with popery, against his conscience, cannot be excused ; serving the times present in his practice, and waiting on a future alteration in his hopes and desires.
3. Edward Semaure, the king's uncle, lately made Commis-
sioners sent
lord protector and duke of Somerset, ordered all ni into several church and state ^. He, by the king's power, or, if wHh in- you please, the king in his protection, took speedy to'^^Jorm. order for reformation of religion; and being loth that the people of the land should live so long in error and ignorance, till a parliament should be solemnly summoned, (which for some reasons of state could not so quickly be called,) in the mean time, by his own regal power and authority, and the advice of his wise and honourable council, chose commis- sioners, and sent them with instructions into several
c Sanders, de Schis. Anglic. (Holinshed,979. Stow, 593-4.)
p. 181:= 193. The letters patent confirming
d [Burnet, II. 8. Strype's the protectorship to him, and
Mem. II. 16. The earl of dated 13th March, are printed
Hertford, who was the eldest in Burnet, II. 142. He was to
brother of the king's mother, enjoy this almost unlimited
was proclaimed protector the power, greater, perhaps, than
1st of February, by an herald any subject ever had, till the
at arms, and sound of trumpet king accomplished the age of
through the city of London. On eighteen years. See Burnet, II.
the 17th of the same month he 35. Stow, ib.] was created duke of Somerset.
10
The Church History
BOOK VII.
A. D. 1547- parts of the kingdom, for the rooting out of super- - — '■ — '- stition ; the substance whereof (thirty-six in number) we have here presented ^ :
The King's Injunctions ^.
i. " That all ecclesiastical persons observe the laws for the abolishing the pretended and usurped power of the bishop of Rome, and confirmation of the king's authority and supremacy, ii. " That, once a quarter at least, they sincerely declare the word of God, dissuading their people from superstitious fancies of pilgrimages, praying to images, &c. ; exhorting them to the works of faith, mercy, and charity.
e []In the beginning of Sep- tember, 1547, the protector and therest of the council appointed a royal visitation for furthering the progress of the Reforma- tion : thirty commissioners were thereupon named, who were to divide the different counties among themselves. Theirnames and circuits are enumerated in Strype's Cr. 146. Accordingly, in the month of May. (as Strype affirms,) royal letters were is- sued to the archbishops and bishops to forbear their visita- tion, as was usually done in all royal and archiepiscopal visita- tions ; and in the interim a Book of Injunctions, of which an abstract is here given, was prepared, whereby the king's visitors should direct their visi- tation. These were also accom- panied with a book of articles, printed at the same time, called " Articles to be inquired of in " the King's Majesty's Visita-
" tion." These articles were twice printed in 1547, by Graf- ton, and are reprinted in Strype's Mem. ii. 48. One thing is not a little remarkable in this visitation, that being entirely a civil commission, without a single bishop among the number, it should be vested with power of summoning be- fore it all bishops, and examine them as well as others concern- ing their lives and doctrines.]
f [According to Strype, Cr. 146, the original of these in- junctions is preserved in Cor- pus Christi College, Cambridge, signed by Cranmer and others of the privy council. They have been frequently printed, at full length, by Grafton, in 1547; in Fox, 684, ed. ist; in Spar- row's Collections, ii. p. i ; in Wilkins, iv. 3 ; in Cranmer's Works, iv. 327. In many points they resemble the injunctions set forth in 1536.]
CENT. XVI. of Britain. 11
iii. "That images abused with pilgrimages and -^-i^-' 547-
offerinofs thereunto be forthwith taken down and
destroyed, and that no more wax candles or tapers be burnt before any image ; but only two lights upon the high altar before the sacrament shall remain still, to signify that Christ is the very light of the world.
iv. " That every holy day, when they have no sermon, the Paternoster, Credo, and Ten Com- mandments shall be plainly recited in the pulpit to the parishioners.
V. " That parents and masters bestow their chil- dren and servants either to learning or some honest occupation. '■
vi. " That such who, in cases expressed in the statute, are absent from their benefices, leave learned and expert curates.
vii. " That within three months after this visita- tion the Bible of the largest volume in English, and within twelve months Erasmus his Paraphrase on the Gospel, [in English,] be provided and con- veniently placed in the church, for people to read therein.
viii. " That no ecclesiastical persons haunt ale- houses or taverns, or any place of unlawful gaming.
ix. " That they examine such who come to con- fession to them in Lent, whether they can recite their Creed, Paternoster, and Ten Commandments? in English before they receive the blessed sacra- ment of the altar, or else they ought not to pre- sume to come to God's board.
g [In the original, " the articles of their faith."]
12 The Church History ucmdk vii.
A. D. 1547. X. "That none be admitted to preach, except _L—_ " sufficiently licensed.
xi. " That if they have heretofore extolled pil- " grimages, relics, worshipping of images, &c., tliey " now openly recant and reprove the same as a com- " mon error, groundless in scripture.
xii. " That they detect and present such who are " letters of the word of God in English, and fautors " of the bishop of Rome his pretended power.
xiii. " That a register-book be carefully kept in " every parish for weddings, christenings, and burials.
xiv. " That all ecclesiastical persons not resident " upon their benefices, and able to dispend yearly " twenty pounds and above, shall, in the presence of " the churchwardens or some other honest men, " distribute the fortieth part of their revenues " amongst the poor of the parish.
XV, " That every ecclesiastical person shall give " competent exhibition to so many scholars in one of " the universities as he hath hundred pounds a year " in church promotions.
xvi. " That the fifth part of their benefices be " bestowed on their mansion-houses or chancels, till " they be fully repaired.
xvii. " That he readeth these injunctions once a " quarter.
xviii. " That none bound to pay tithes detain them " by colour of duty omitted by their curates, and so " redoub one wrong with another.
xix. " That no person henceforth shall alter any " fasting-day that is commanded, or manner of com- " mon prayer or divine service, (otherwise than spe- " cified in these injunctions,) until otherwise ordered " by the king's authority.
CENT. XVI. of Britain. 18
XX. "That every ecclesiastical person under the a. 0.1547-
'' degree of bachelor of divinity shall, within three ■ '■ — '-
" months after this visitation, provide of his own the " New Testament in Latin and English, with Eras- " mus his Paraphrase thereon ^ ; and that bishops *' by themselves, and their officers, shall examine *' them how much they have profited in the study of " holy scripture.
xxi. " That, in the time of high mass, he that " sayeth or singeth a psalm shall read the epistle *' and gospel in English, and one chapter in the New " Testament at matins, and another at evensong [in " the Old Testament] ; and that when nine lessons " are to be read in the church, three of them shall " be omitted with responds ; and at evensong the " responds, with all the memories.
xxii. " That, to prevent in sick persons the damn- " able vice of despair, they shall learn and have
^ [This English translation Old translated the Canonical of the paraphrase of Erasmus, Epistles, with the Epistles of undertaken, as it appears, at St. Paul to the Ephesians, Phi- the desire and charge of queen lippians i. and ii., to the Thes- CatherineParr, (Strype's Mem. salonians i. and ii., to Timothy, II. 130,) was much objected to and to Philemon. Leonard Cox by the Roman Catholics, espe- translated the Epistle to Titus cially by Gardiner, the bishop of (Wood, Ath. I. 1 23.) The Ex- Winchester. See his letters to position on the Revelations was the protector, in Fox, II. in init. not written by Erasmus, but by This translation was the work Leo Jude, in the German lan- of several hands. The para- guage, and was translated by phrase of St. Luke was trans- Edmund Allen. The translators lated by Nicholas Udal ; St. of the rest of the book are not Mark by Thomas Key or Cay, knoAvn. The first edition, which (Wood, Ath. 1.399,) afterwards contained only the Gospel and master of University College, Acts, appeared about this time, Oxford; St. John by the prin- 15475 tlie rest came forth in cess Mary, but she falling sick 1549, and a second impression from overmuch study in it, that in 1552. See Strype's Mem. part was finished by her chap- II. 28 — 30.] lain. Dr. Mallet. In 1 549, John
14 The Church History book vii.
AD. 1547. " always in readiness such comfortable places and
'■ — '- " sentences of scripture as do set forth the mercy,
" benefits, and goodness of God Almighty towards " all penitent and believing persons.
xxiii. *' To avoid all contention and strife which " heretofore have risen amongst the king's subjects, " by challenging of places in procession, no proces- " sion hereafter shall be used about the church or " churchyard ; but immediately before high mass the " litany shall be distinctly said or sung in English, " none departing the church without just cause, and *' all ringing of bells (save one) utterly forborne [at " that time, except one bell, in convenient time, to " be rung or knolled before the sermon] .
xxiv. " That the holy day, at the first beginning " godly instituted and ordained, be wholly given to " God, in hearing the word of God read and taught, " in private and public prayers, in acknowledging " their offences to God, and amendment ; in recon- " ciling themselves to their neighbours, receiving " the communion, visiting the sick, &c.; only it shall " be lawful for them, in time of harvest, to labour " upon holy and festival days, and save that thing '• which God hath sent ; and that scrupulosity to " abstain from working upon those days doth griev- " ously offend God.
XXV. " That no curate admit to the communion " such who are in rancour and malice with their " neighbours, till such controversies be reconciled.
xxvi. " That every dean, archdeacon, &c., being a " priest, preach by himself personally twice a year at " least.
xxvii. " That they instruct their people not ob- " stinately to violate the ceremonies of the church
CENT. XVI.
of Britain.
15
by the king commanded to be observed, and not a. 0.1547.
•^ . I Ed. VI.
as yet abrogated ; and on the other side, that who-
soever doth superstitiously abuse them, doth the same to the great peril of his soul's health, xxviii. " That they take away and destroy all shrines, covering of shrines, tables, candlesticks, trindles or rolls of wax, pictures, paintings, and other monuments of feigned miracles, so that no memory of them remain in walls or windows ; ex- horting their parishioners to do the like in their several houses ; and that a comely pulpit be pro- vided in a convenient place K xxix. " That a strong chest be provided, with a ■ hole in the upper part thereof, (with three keys ' thereunto belonging,) be provided to receive the ' charity of people to the poor, and the same at
» [Unfortunately the parish- ioners were too ready to re- move shrineSj &c., not J'rom their own houses, but from the churches into their own houses ; so that, as our author expresses it, (book vii. sect. ii. §. I,) "Private men's halls were " hung with altar cloaths, their " tables and beds covered with " copes instead of carpets and " coverlets. Many drank, at " their daily meals, in chalices; " and no wonder if in propor- " tion it came to the share of " their horses to be watered in " rich coffins of marble." This species of plundering was car- ried to so great an extent, that a commission was appointed in the sixth year of this king's reign, for taking a survey of and making an inquisition into the churches" goods ; with what
effect, may be seen at the same place of this history ; and for what purpose the reader may judge from this entry in king Edward's Journal, June 2, 1 5 5 1 : " It was appointed that I should " receive the Frenchmen that " came hither at Westminster, " where was made preparation " for the purpose, and four " garnish of new vessels taken " out of church-stuff, as mitres, " golden missals, and primers " and crosses and reliques of " Plessay." This^ desecration of things appointed for religious uses could not fail of producing very evil effects upon the public mind; and they who learned to spurn and think with contempt of the accidentals of religion, soon came to despise the essen- tials also.]
16 The Church History book vii.
A. D.I =;47" convenient times distributed unto them in the " presence or the parish.
XXX. " That priests be not bound to go to visit " women Ipng in child-bed, except in times of dan- " gerous sickness ; and not to fetch any corpse, " except it be brought to the churchyard.
xxxi. " That to avoid the detestable sin of simony, *' the seller shall lose his right of patronage for that " time, and the buyer to be deprived and made " unable to receive spiritual promotion.
xxxii. " That because of the lack of preachers, " curates shall read homilies, which are and shall be " set forth by the king's authority.
xxxiii. " Whereas many indiscreet persons do un- " charitably contemn and abuse priests, having small " learning : his majesty chargeth his subjects that " henceforth they be reverently used, for their office " and ministration sake.
xxxiv. " That all persons not understanding Latin " shall pray on no other primer but what lately " was set forth in English by king Henry the Eighth, " and that such who have knowledge in Latin use *' none other also ; and that all graces before and " after meat be said in English, and no grammar " taught in schools but what is set forth by au- " thority.
xxxv. " That chantry priests teach youth to read " and write.
xxxvi. " That when any sermon or homily shall " be had, the prime and hours shall be omitted ^."
[Dr. Bulkely, chaplain to wherein were certain correc-
archbishop Sancroft, and tions, as he supposed, by Cran-
Strype's friend, possessed a mer himself. The words high
copy of these injunctions, mass were changed into the
CENT. xvr. of Britain. 17
The Form of bidding the Common Prnyei-s^.
"You shall pray for the whole congregation ofA.D. i.u?.
*' Christ's church, and especially for this church of '. — i-
" England and Ireland ; wherein, first, I commend " to your devout prayers the king's most excellent " majesty, supreme head immediately under God of " the spirituality and temporality of the same " church ; and for queen Katharine dowager ; and " also for my lady Mary and my lady Elizabeth, the " king's sisters.
" Secondly, you shall pray for the lord protector's " grace, with all the rest of the king's majesty's " council ; for all the lords of this realm, and for " the clergy and the commons of the same ; beseech- " ing Almighty God to give every of them, in his *' degree, grace to use themselves in suchwise as " may be to God's glory, the king's honour, and the " weal of this realm.
" Thirdly, ye shall pray for all them that be de-
celehration of the holy commu- also another form, put out in the
nion; mass and service changed year 1536, (Wilkins, III. 807,)
into God's service j injunction which is the same as that
xxi. expunged, as also the lat- adopted by bishop Hilsey in
ter part of the xxixth ; also his Primer of 1539, he having
xxxvth and xxxvith were to merely changed the words " the
be expunged; and to the form " most noble and virtuous lady
of bidding prayer is added a " queen Jane, his most lawful
prayer for success of the duke " wife," into, " for the pros-
of Somerset's expedition against " perity of the noble prince
the Scots. Strype's Mem. II. " Edward his son," p. 329, (ed.
46.] Oxon. 1834.) Ant. Harmer
1 [For some account of the (Wharton) has also published
forms of bidding prayer, see another, from a MS. in the
Burnet, II. 61. That writer Lambeth Library, in his " Spe-
has printed the form, such as " cimen of Errors, &c." p. 166,
it was, used in the time of king which is reprinted in Collier,
Henry VII. (II. ii. N. 8.) See II. App. p. 60.]
FULLER, VOL. IV. C
18 The Church History book vii.
A.D. i.u?." parted out of this world in the faith of Christ, that
'^'^•^^' " they with us, and we with them, at the day of
"judgment, may rest both body and soul, with
" Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, in the kingdom of
" heaven."
Observations on the King's Injunctions. The wis- Let us here admire God's wisdom in our first
dom of our i i •
reformers, reformers, who proceeded so moderately m a matter of so great consequence : to reform all at once, had been the ready way to reform nothing at all. New wine must be gently poured into old bottles, lest the strength of the liquor, advantaged with the violence of the infusion, break the vessel. Jacob could not keep pace with Esau (presumed fleet on foot, as used to hunting) whilst he had in his company the tender children and flochs with young, which if over-driven one day, would die *". And though no doubt he him- self was foot-man enough to go along with his brother, yet he did lead on softly, according as the cattle and children were able to endure. Thus our wise reformers reflected discreetly on the infirmities of people, long nouzled in ignorance and superstition, and incapable of a sudden and perfect alteration.
Only two On this account, in the third injunction, they reduced candles (formerly sans number in churches) to two upon the high altar, before the sacrament : these being termed lights, shews they were not lumina cceca, but burning. Know also that at this time there was an univei-sal dilapidation of chancels, and men had seen so many abbey churches plucked down, that they even left parish churches to fall
™ Gen. xxxiii. 13.
CENT. XVI. of' Britain. 19
down on themselves: now to repair tliem all at a. 0.1547. once would have stopped the holes in the chancels, J__1_L and made one in the states of the ministers. It was therefore in the sixteenth injunction ordered, that a fifth part of their means should be employed therein, whereby the work was effectually done without any great damage to the repairers.
By memories appointed to be omitted, (injunction AVhat xxi.,) we understand the obsequia for the dead, memories. which some say succeeded in the place of the (hea- then) Roman parentalia.
The abolishing processions is politicly put on a Good po. civil account, (injunction xxiii.,) to avoid contention '*^^' about places. Indeed people's pride herein consisted in pretended humility, wdiich the injunction at large termeth a fond courtesy ; for in a mock practice of the apostle's precept, in honour preferring one an- other ", they strained courtesy to go last. Where, by the way, I conceive that accounted the highest place which was next the cross-bearer, or next the priest carrying the host.
QucEre, w^hether in the xxivth injunction, labouring in time of harvest on holy days and festivals relateth not only to those of ecclesiastical constitution, (as dedicated to saints,) or be inclusive of the Lord's day also ^.
Mr. Calvin, in his letter to the lord protector p, Mr. Caivin disliketh the praying for the dead ; and this is one '^^^"^^'
1 Rom. xii. 12. do not occur in that letter, ° [It appears so from the though the subject of the re- practice at this time. See also mark does, (p. 167,) but in his The Appeal, &c. ii. §. 135. Col- letter addressed to the English lier, 11.226. Burnet, II. 59.] exiles at Frankfort. See his P [Epist. 87, p. 158, ed. Ge- irreverent letter to Coxe, Ep. nev. 1576. The offensive words 206.]
C 2
20
The Church History
BOOK vn.
A.D. 1547. of those things which he termed tolerabiles ineptias^ — — '- — ^englished by some, " tolerable fooleries;" more mildly by others, "tolerable unfitnesses." In requital whereof, bishop Williams was wont to say, that master Calvin had his tolerabiles morositates \ Moderation And tlius moderately did our first reformers begin, ^^^ ^^' as the subject they wrote on would give them leave ; for as careful mothers and nurses, on condition they can get their children to part with knives, are con- tented to let them play with rattles, so they per- mitted ignorant people still to retain some of their fond and foolish customs, that they might remove from them the most dangerous and destructive superstitions.
Come we now to give in a list of such principal
q [See his letter from Gene- va to Knox and Whittingham, the leaders of the dissenting party at Frankfort ; (Troubles at Frankfort, p. 35, Calv.Epist. 200.) Calviu nowhere specifies what are these " tolerable foolish " things ;" and it appears that he knew nothing of the Book of Common Prayer, except from an imperfect abstract of it sent to him in Latin by John Knox. It is by no means unlikely that Calvin still felt some resentment for Cranmer's having declined his interfer- ence in matters of religion ; for in this letter, speaking of Grindall, Haddon, Sands, and the rest of the convention at Strasburg, he says, " Where- " fore I would not have you" (Knox and tne others) " fierce " over them, whose infirmity " will not suffer to ascend an " higher step ; so would I
♦' advertise other, that they " please not themselves too " much in their foolishness. " But I speak in vain to them " which perchance esteem me " not so well, as they will " vouchsafe to admit the coun- " sel that Cometh from such an " author." Knox and his party had sent Calvin a Latin ab- stract of the Book of Common Prayer ; adding, with some- thing very like a falsehood, " that some of their country- " men went about to force " them to the same." The truth was, when this congrega- tion established themselves at Frankfort, they immediately joined the French church, and adopted their ceremonies ; and being desirous of some counte- nance for what they had done, they wrote to the churches in Zurich, Strasburg, and the rest, to come and join them.]
CENT. XVI. of Britain. 21
books which in the reign of this king and his father, a. d. 1547-
as preparatory to and introductive of reformation ; '■ — '-
and to bring them high enough, we will begin with
Henry the Seventh.
" Prayers printed by the Commandements of the " moost hye and vertuous Princesse our lyege Lady " Elizabeth, by the grace of God, Quene of England " and of France, and also of the right hye and moost " noble Princesse Margarett, mother to our sove- " raign Lord the King, &c." Without the year when printed.
Henry the Eighth.
" The Institution of a Christian Man ; contayneng " the Exposition or Interpretation of the Commune " Crede, of the Seaven Sacraments, of the Ten Cora- " mandements, and of the Pater Noster, and the " Ave Maria, Justification and Purgator}\" [Lotidifii, in (Bdibus ThomcB Bertheleti, regit impressoris, an. M.D.xxxvii. Cu?n privilegio. 4to. Reprinted at Oxford in 1825.]
" A necessary Doctrine and Erudition for any " Christen Man, set furthe by the Kynges Majestie " of England, &c." [Imprinted at London, in Fleet Street, by Thomas Barthelet, printer to the king's highness, the xxix. day of May, the year of our Lord M.D.XLiii. Cum jyinvilegio ad imprimendum solum. By a colophon at the end of the book, it appears that this book was not to be sold above sixteen pence, bound in paper boards or clasps. Re- printed at Oxford in 1825.]
" An epistle of the most mighty and redoubted " Prince Henry the VIII. by the grace of God, king
c 3
22 The Church History book vii.
A. D. 1547. « of England and of France, lord of Ireland, defender
'■ — '- " of the faith, and supreme head of the Church of
" England next under Christ, written to the Empe- " ror's majesty, to all Christian princes, and to all " those that truly and sincerely profess Christ's reli- " gion." Londini in cedihus TJiomcp, Bertheleti, regii impressoris. Eoscus. anno m.d.xxxviii. Cumprivi- legio. 12mo. [Reprinted in the Harleian Miscellany.]
" A Protestation made for the most mighty and " most redoubted king of England, &c. and his hole " counsell and clergie, wherein is declared, that nei- " ther his highnesse, nor his prelates, neyther any " other prince or prelate is bound to come or send " to the pretended councell, that Paul bishop of " Rome, first by a bull indicted at Mantua, a citie " in Italy, and now alate by another bull, hath pro- " roged to a place no man can telle where." \Lo7i- dini in {edibus Thomce Bertheleti, regii impressoris. Ea^ctis. an?io M.D.xxxYiii. Cmn p^^ivilegio. 12mo.]
" Articles devised by the Kinges Highnes Majestie " to stablyshe Christen quietnes and unitie amonge " us, and to avoyde contentious opinions, which " Articles be also approved by the consent and " determination of the hole Clergie of this Realme." London: Thomas Berthelet, 1536. [Reprinted at Oxford in 1825.]
" Injunctions to the Clergie." 1536. M.Sc. [Printed in Wilkins, III. 813.]
" Articles devised by the holle consent of the " Kinges most honourable Counsayle, His Graces " licence opteyned thereto, not only to exhorte, but " also to enfourme His loving Subjects of the trouth." London : Thomas Berthelet. 1539.
CENT, xvr. of Britain. 23
" Orarium sen libellus Precationum per Regiam a d. 1 547.
" Majestatem et Clerum Latine editus. Ex ofHcina '- — '-
" Richard Graftoni." 1545.
" Pia et Catholiea Christian! hominis institutio." Londini apud Thomam Berthelet. 1544.
" Reformatio Legum Ecelesiasticarum ex autho- " ritate primum Regis Henrici VIII. inchoata, deinde " per Regem Edwardum VI. provecta adaiictaque " in hunc modum, atque nunc ad pleniorem ipsa- " rum reformationem in lucem edita '"." Londi7iiy ex qfficina Johannis Daiiy anno salutis liumance 1571, mense Aprili.
Edivard the SiMh.
" Injunctions given by the most excellent prince, " Edward the Sixt, by the grace of God, king of " England, France, and Ireland, defendor of the " fayth, and in yearthe under Christ, of the church " of England and of Ireland the supreeme hedde ; '' *' To all and singuler his loving subjects, aswell of " the clergie as of the laietie." [Imprinted at Lon- don, the last day of July, in the first year of the reign of our sovereign lord king Edward the VI., by Richard Grafton, printer to his most royal majesty. Anno\5^^. Cum privilegio, he. 4to ^.]
" Articles to be enquired of in the Kynges jVIa- " jesties visitation." By Richard Grafton. Cum 'privilegio *.
" The Order of the Communion, with the Procla-
r [This book was reprinted ^ [Printed inWilkins, IV. 1 1, at London in 1640, in 4to. An and in Sparrow. Of the pub- excellent abstract of its con- licationof this book, see Strype, tents is given by Collier in his Mem. II. 61.] Eccl. Hist. II. 326. See also * [See note, p. 12.] below.]
c 4
24 The Church History book vii.
A.D.1547." mation." [Dated March 8.] London: by Richard
I Ed. VI. ^ „ ^ ^ , ^
Grafton. 1548 «.
" The Booke of the Common Prayer and Admi- " nistration of the Sacraments, and other Rites and " Ceremonies of the Church : after the Use of the " Church of England ^." Loiidini, in officina Eduardi Whitchurche. Cum privilcgio ad imprimendum so- lum. Anno Dom. 1549, mense Junii. Fol.
" Communion Book, translated into French for ** Jersey and Garnesey." 1553.
" Tlie forme and manner of making and conse- " crating Bishops, Priests, and Deacons." 1549 and 1552.
" Tlie Copie of a Letter sent to all those Preachers *' which the Kings Majestie hath licensed to preach, *' from the Lord Protectors Grace, and other of the " Kinges Majesties most honourable Councell." The 23d of May, 1548. [In Wilkins, IV. 27, and in Burnet, II. App. 130.]
" Catechismus brevis, Christianse disciplin^e sum- " mam continens, omnibus ladimagistris authoritate " Regia commendatus y." Londini^ 1553.
" Articuli de quibus in Synodo Londinensi, 1552, " ad tollendam opinionum dissensionem et consen- " sum verse religionis firmandum, inter Episcopos et " alios eruditos atque pios viros convenerat : Regia
^ [Twice printed in 1647. but now is more generally
See note, p. 603.] thought to have been written
^ [Many different editions by Poinet, successively bishop
of this book were printed be- of Rochester and Winchester,
tween the years 1 549 and see the Preface to Nowell's Ca-
1552, when the Revision was techism, (Oxford, 1835,) p. 25.
put out.] An English translation of it
y [Of this Catechism, which was printed the same year as
has been attributed to Nowell, the original Latin.]
CENT. XVI. of Britain. 25
"similiter aiithoritate promulgati." Londini. [In a. 0.1547- Wilkins, IV. 73.] -I^^liZl
" The Primer or Booke of Prayers," translated out of Henry VIII.'s Orarium. London: by Richard Grafton, 1547-
" Certain Sermons or Homilies, [viz. the first part " of the Church Homilies,] appointed by the Kinges " Majestie to be declared and read by all Parsons, " Vicars, or Curates, everie Sonday, in their churches " where they have cure." Imprinted at London, in Fleet Street, at the sign of the Lion over against the Conduit, by Edward Whitchurche, the xxtli day of August, in the year of our Lord 1547- Cum privilegio, &e. 4to.
" A Primer or Booke of private Prayer, &c. in the " 7 yeare of Ed. VI." Ej7 officina Wilhelmi Seres, 1552.
Queen Mary.
" The Primer in Latin and English, after the use " of Sarum." London, 1555.
" Edm. Bonners Catechisme, 1555, with Homelies " composed by H. Pendleton and Jo. Harpesfield." London, 1555^.
These are the principal state-books which that age produced, not mentioning such (as numberless)
^ [In imitation of the king's *' in God, Edmunde Bishop of
book, called " A Necessary " London, for the Instruction
** Doctrine, &c." Bonner put " and Information of the People
forth a bookj treating of the " living within his Diocese of
same subjects and in the same " London, and of his Cure and
order, with the following title: "Charge. Excusum Londini
" A Profitable and Necessary " in eedibus Johannis Cawodi,
" Doctrine, with certain Ho- ** Typographi regiae Majesta-
"• miEes adjoined thereunto, set " tis." 4to. No date.] " forth by the reverend Father
26
The Church History
BOOK VII.
I Ed. VI.
A. D. 1547. which private persons set forth; only I cannot as yet recover the lord Cromwell's Catechisme, except it be concealed under another name, amongst the books aforementioned.
4. Come we now to the Liturgy, which in the reign of king Henry the Eighth was said or sung all in Latin, save only the Creed, Paternoster, and Ten Commandments, put into English by the king's com- mand, anno 1536 ^. Nine years after, viz. 1545, the Litany was permitted in English ; and this was the farthest pace which the Reformation stepped in the reign of king Henry the Eighth. But under his son, king Edward the Sixth, a new form of divine worship was set forth in the vulgar tongue, which passed a threefold purgation ^.
^ [See Cromwell's Injunc- tions, published that year. Burnet, Kef. I. p. 452.]
^ [In this Fuller is mistaken, confounding the Order for the Administration of the Commu- nion, which was first put out in 1547, with the first Com- mon Prayer Book of 1549. His error was corrected by Dr. Heylin, in the Appeal, §. 136, who observes that in the first parliament of this king there passed a statute ( i Edw. VI. c. I.) entitled, " An Act " against such as speak against " the Sacrament of the Altar, " and for the Receipt thereof " in both kinds." " Upon the " coming out whereof, the kins: " being no less desirous," as Fox relates it, " to have the " form of administration of the *' sacrament reduced to the " right rule of the scriptures " and first use of the primitive " church, than he was to esta-
" blish the same by authority " of his own regal acts, ap- " pointed certain of the most " grave and learned bishops to *' assemble together at his cas- " tie of Windsor, there to " argue and entreat of thi§ " matter, and conclude upon " and set forth one perfect and " uniform order, according to " the rule and use aforesaid, " which book was printed and " set out March 8th, 1548/' (which is 1547 according to the account of the church of England.) '■' The Liturgy came " not out till near two years " after." The two prayer-books of Edward VI. have been re- printed lately at Oxford, with a learned preface by Dr. Card- well. An account of their com- pilation, with a breviate of their contents, will also be found in Downe's edition of Sparrow's Rationale, App. p. cl., p. clxxix., and p. cxcvii.]
CKNT. xvr.
of Britain.
rt
The first Edition of the Liturgy or ('ommon Prayer ; [rather, of the Communion Service^.']
In the first year of king Edward the Sixth, it was recommended to the care of the most grave bishops and others, (assembled by the king at his castle at Windsor,) and when by them completed, set forth in print, 1548, with a proclamation in the kind's name to give authority thereunto; being also recommended unto every bishop, by especial let- ters from the lords of the council c, to see the same put in execntion. And in the next year a penalty was imposed by act of parliament on such who should dejirave or neg- lect the use thereof d.
The second Edition of the Liturgy or Common Prayer.
Some exceptions being taken by Mr. Calvin abroad and some zealots at home, at the former Liturgy, the book was brought under a I'eview, and by a statute in ])arlia- ment e it was ap- pointed, That it should be faith- fully and godly perused, explained, and made fully perfect f:
Persons employed therein s.
1. Thomas Cranmer, archbishop of Canterbury.
2. George Day, bishop of Chi- chester.
^. Thomas Goodrich, bishop of
Ely.
4. John Skip, bishop of Here- ford.
5. Henry Holbeach, bishop of Lincoln.
6. Nicholas Ridley, bishop of Ro- chester.
7. Thomas Thirlby, bishop of Westminster.
8. Doctor May, dean of St. Paul's.
9. John Taylor, then dean (after- wards bishop) of Lincoln [fliay 10, 155211].
10. Doctor Haines, dean of Exeter.
11. Doctor Robertson, afterwards dean of Durham.
12. Doctor John Redmayne, mas- ter of Trinity College in Cam- bridge.
13. Doctor Richard Cox, then almoner to the king, afterwards bishop of Ely.
Persons employed therein.
I We meet not with their parti- cular names, but may probably con- ceive they were the same with the fomier, for the main, though
some might be superadded by royal appoint- ment.
The third Edition of the Liturgy or Common Prayer.
A.D. 154; 1 I Ed.VL
In the fii'st of queen Elizabeth, 1559, it was com- mitted by the queen to the care of some learned men, by whom it was altered in some few passages, and so presented to the parliament, and by them re- ceived and esta- blished.
Persons employed therein.
1 . MasterWhite- head, once chap- lain to queen Anna Eullen.
2. Matthew Par- ker, after\\'ards archbishop of Can- terbury.
T,. Ednnind Grin- dall, afterwards bishop of London.
4. Richard Cox, afterwards bishop of Ely.
5.JamesPilking- ton, afterwards bishop of Durham.
6. Doctor May, dean of St. Paul's, and master of Tri- nity College in Cambridge.
7. Sir Thomas Smith, principal secretary of estate.
8. [Dr". Bill, dean of Westminster.]
^ [Strype. Mem. II. 83.]
t See the form of them in Fox, II. 661.
d [Burnet, II. 147.]
e 5 and 6 of Edward the Sixth, cap. I. [a. d. 1552.]
f [See above, p. 24. Burnet, II. 319, 349. Stow, 608.]
s [Strype appears to doubt of the correctness of this list. See his JMem. II. 85, 302.]
li [KingEdward'sJourn.76.]
28
The Church History
BOOK vn.
A.D. 1547. I Ed, VI.
As for the fourth and last edition of the Liturgy, in the first of king James, 1603, with some small alterations in the rubric, after the conference at Hampton Court, thereof (God willing) in due time hereafter.
5. The book of books still remains : I mean the Bible itself Know then that some exceptions being taken at Tindal's translation, the bishops (then gene- rally popish) complied so far in a conference with the desires of king Henry the Eighth ^, that on con- dition the people would give in Tindal's pretended false translation, they would set forth another, better agreeing with the original ; and although this took up some time to effect, (the work being great in itself, and few workmen as yet masters of the mys- tery of printing,) yet at last it was accomplished, but more purely and perfectly done in after ages, as by the ensuing parallels will appear.
The first Translation of the Bible.
Set forth in the reign of king Henry the Eighth, anno 1541, countenanced with a grave and pious preface of archbishop Cranmer, and au- thorized by the king's procla- mation, dated JMay the 6th. Seconded also with instruc- tions from the king ><, to pre- pare people to receive benefit the better from so heavenly a treasure, it was called The Bii)le of the greater Volume, rather commended than com- manded to people. Few coun- try parishes could go to the cost of them, though bishop Bonner caused six of them to be chained in the church of St. Paul's, in convenient places.
The second Transla- tion of the Bible.
Set forth in the reign of king Ed- ward the Sixth, and not only suffered to be read by particular persons, but ordered to be read over yearly in the congregation, as a principal part of divine service. Two several editions I have seen thereof ; one set forth 1549, the other 1551, but neither of them di- vided into verses.
The thii-d Translation of the Bible.
Set forth in the second of queen Eli- zabeth. The last translation was again reviewed by some of the most learned l)ishops, (appointed thereunto by the queen's commission,) whence it took the name of the Bishops' Bible ; and by the queen's sole com- mandment reprinted, and left free and open to all her well- affected subjects.
1 Set down at large in the RegivSter of archbishop Warham.
^ Extant in sir Thomas Cot- ton's library.
CE>JT. XVI. of Britain. 29
As for the last and best translation of the Bible, a. d. 1547. in the reign of king James, by a select company of _1^1___ divines employed therein, in dne time (by God's assistance) largely thereof.
6. And now we shall come to small game, rather than shut out ; not caring how low we descend, so be it we may satisfy the reader and inform posterity, presenting a catalogue of such proclamations which the king set forth in the four first years, having any tendency or relation to ecclesiastical matters ^
i. " A Proclamation concerning the effectuall pay- " ment of Pensions, due out of the Court of Aug- " mentations, to any late Abbot, Prior, &c.," which it seemeth lately were detained. Aimo 1 Edvardi Sea'ti, Septem. 18.
ii. " A Proclamation concerning the irreverent " Talkers of the Sacrament ™ ;" for, after the Tran-
' [All these proclamations, " vellously abused, some had with the rest passed in the first " been thereby brought to a four years of this reign, were " contempt of it, which they published by "Richard Grafton, "had expressed in sermons, " printer to the king's majesty," " discourses, and songs, in in 1550. I 2mo. Cum privilegio " words not Jit to be repeated." ad imprimendum solum. These See Burnet, II. 84. Authentic here printed are corrected from Coll. of the Stat. IV. ii. p. 2. a copy of that book in the This was a most seasonable en- library of Queen's College, Ox- actment ; for the disputes upon ford. I mention this, as Bur- this holy subject, even among net doubts the authenticity of divines, were extremely irre- the 6th, and certainly never verent, and had degenerated saw, as neither did Strype, the almost into profanity : for 5th. Burnet, II. 167.] many, as the proclamation it-
"> [Printed at length in Wil- self expresses it, "not con- kins, IV. 18. Strype's IMem. " tented with such words and II. 14, App. This was in con- " terms as scripture doth de- formity with an act passed at " clare thereof, do not cease to this time touching the commu- " move contentious and super- nion ; in the preamble to which " fluous questions of the said it is stated that the holy sacra- " holy sacrament and supper of ment " having been of late mar- "the Lord; entering rashly
30
The Church History
BOOK VII.
A. D. 1547- substantiation and the superstition of the Corpo- ~ — '■ — '- rail Presence was removed, many persons (no lesse ignorant than violent) fell from adoring to con- temning of the holy Elements, till retrenched by this Proclamation. Set forth 1 Edvardi SeMi, Decern. 27.
" into the discussing of the " high mystery thereof, and go " about in their sermons or " talks arrogantly to define " the manner, nature, fashion, " ways, possibility or impos- " sibility of those matters, " which neither make to editi- " cation, nor God hath by his " holy word opened." It then proceeds to detail what some of those questions were ; as, " Whether the body and blood " aforesaid is there really or " figuratively, locally or cir- " cumscriptly, and havingquan- " tity and greatness, or but " substantially and by substance " only, or else but in a figure " and manner of speaking ; " whether his blessed body be " there, head, legs, arms, toes " and nails, or any other ways, " shape, and manner, naked or " clothed ; whether he is broken " or chewed, or he is always "whole; whether the bread " there remaineth as we see, " or how it departeth ; whether " the flesh be there alone and " the blood, or part or each in " other, or in the one both, in " the other but only blood, and " what blood ; that only which " did flow out of the side, or " that which remained : with " other such irreverent, super- " fluous, and curious questions, " which of human and corrunt
" curiosity hath desire to search ^' out such mysteries, to the " which our human imbecility " cannot attain ; and therefore " ofttimes turneth the same " to their own and others' de- " struction by contention and " arrogant rashness." Some of the questions were of much more irreverent a nature than here mentioned, as may be seen in many places in Fox, and in Strype, Mem. II. 69, 80 ; and these were the engrossing ob- jects of discussion, not merely in churches, but in markets and alehouses : religious sub- jects supplying that excitement which politics did afterwards, and, like all religious excite- ment, rapidly sinking into irre- ligion and infidelity.
Indeed it may reasonably be doubted if there is any era in our history when there was less real religious feeling than at this time. If the superstition of the previous times was bad, the irreverence of these was not a whit better. " There " ben some/' savs archbishop Cranmer in the preface to his Bible, using; the words of Gre- gory of A^azianzen in applica- tion to his own times, " whose " not only ears and tongues, " but also their fists, keen " Avhetted and ready bent all " to contention and improfit-
CENT. XVI. of Britain. 31
iii. " A Proclamation for the abstainino^ from flesh a.d. 1547.
. I Ed. VI.
" m the Lent- time. Anno 1 Edvardi Sccvti^ Ja- '. — L
" niiarii 16 "."
iv. " A Proclamation against such as innovate any " Ceremony, or preach without licence. Anno 2 " Edvardi SeMi, Febr. 6 «."
V. " A Proclamation inhibiting Preachers. Aimo " 2 Edvardi SeMi, April 24." Whereof this was the occasion : certain popish preachers, disaffected to the king's government, endeavoured in their sermons to possess people of scandalous reports against the king, as if he intended to lay strange exactions on the people, and to demand half-a-crown a-piece of every one who should be married, chris- tened, or buried. To prevent further mischief, the king ordered by proclamation, that none should preach except licensed under the seals of the lord protector or archbishop of Canterbury p.
vi. " A Proclamation for the Inhibition of all ^' Preachers : the second of Edward the Sixth. « Sept. 23."
Because this proclamation is short, hard to be
" able disputation ; whom I " men, every assembly of wo-
'' would wish, as they been " men, is filled with such talk."
" vehement and earnest to rea- " Our faith and holy religion
" son the matter with tongue, " of Christ beginneth to wax
" so they were also ready and " nothing else but as it were a
" practice to do good deeds. " sophistry or talking craft."
" But forasmuch as they, sub- Cranmer's Remains, II. 113.] " verting the order of all god- " [At length in Wilkins, IV.
" liness, have respect only to 20; and in btrype's Mem. II.
" this thing, how they may 82, and App. 44.] " bind and loose subtle ques- " [At length in Wilkins, IV.
" tions ; so that now every 21. Burnet, II. 185. Strype,
" market-place, every alehouse Mem. II. App. 46.] " and tavern, every feast-house, P [See a short abstract of it
" briefly every company of in Strype, INIem. II. 90.]
32 The Church History book vii.
A.D. 1548. come by, and (if I mistake not) conducing much to — — '- — '- acquaint us with the character of those times, it may- be acceptable here to exemplify the same :
" Whereas of late, by reason of certaine contro- " versions and seditious preachers, the kinges majes- " tie, moved of tender zeale and love, which he hath " to the quiet of his subjects, by the advise of the " lord protectour, and other his highnesse councell, " hath by proclamation inhibited and commanded, " That no manner of person, except such as was " licenced by his highnesse the lord protectour, or " by the archbishop of Canterbury, should take upon *' him to preach in any open audience, upon pain in " the said proclamation contained ; and that upon " hope and esperance, that those being chosen and " elect men, should preach and set forth onely to the " people such things as should be to Gods honour " and the benefit of the kinges majesties subjects. " Yet neverthelesse his highnesse is advertised, that " certain of the said preachers, so licenced, not " regarding such good admonitions as hath been l)y " the said lord protectour and the rest of the coun- *' cell on his majesties behalf by letters, or otherwise " given unto them, hath abused the said authority of " preaching, and behaved themselves irreverently, " and without good order in the said preachings, " contrary to such good instructions and advertise- " ments as was given unto them, whereby much " contention and disorder might rise and insue in " this his majesties realm : wherefore his highnesse, " minding to see very shortly one uniforme order " throughout this his realm, and to put an end of " all controversies in religion, so fan'e as God shall " give grace, (for which cause, at this time, certain
CENT. XVI. of Britain. 33
" bishops and notable learned men by his highnesscA. 0.1548-
" commandement are cong-regate,) hath by th' advise .1 — L
" aforesaid thought good, although certain and many
" of the said preachers so before licenced have be-
" haved them self very discretly and wisely, and to
" the honor of God and his highnesse contentation,
" yet at this present, and untill such time that the
" said order shall be set forth generally throughout
" this his majesties realme, to inhibit, and by these
" presents doth inhibit generally, as well the said
" preachers so before licenced, as all manner of per-
" sons, whosoever they be, to preach in open audience
" in the jmlpit or otherwise, by any sought colour or
" fraud, to the disobepng of this commandement, to
" the intent that the whole clergie in this mean
" space might apply themself to prayer to Almighty
" God, for the better atchie^-ing of the same most
" godly intent and purpose, not doubting but that
" also his loving subjects in the mean time \\ill
" occupie themself to Gods honour, with due
" prayer in the church, and patient hearing of the
" godly homelies, heretofore set forth by his high-
" nesse injunctions unto them, and so endevour
" themself, that they may be the more ready with
" thaukefull obedience to receive a most quiet, godly,
*'' and uniform order, to be had throughout all his
'* said realms and dominions. And therefore hath
" willed all his loving officers and ministers, as well
"justices of peace, as majors, sheriffs, bailiffs, con-
" stables, or any other his officers, of what estate,
" degree, or condition soever they be, to be attendant
" upon this proclamation and commandement, and
" to see the infringers or breakers thereof to be
" imprisoned ; and his highnesse, or the lord pro-
FUIXER, VOL. IV. D
S4} The Church History book vii,
A.D.1548. " tectors grace, or his maiesties councell, to be cer-
2 Ed.VI. o ' J
'- — " tilled thereof immediately, as they tender his
" majesties j^leasure, and will answer to the contrary " at their perill."
A panic 16. Some preachers, perusing the aforesaid pro-
silence of i • p
pulpits. clamation, will complam of persecution, that all the pulpits in England should be universally silenced at * once, and will conclude it summimi jus. That the righteous should he condemned with the wicked ; the mouths of good ministers stopped with railers. Well might the souls of weak Christians be faint and feeble, having no warm meat, but the cold homilies allowed them. But statesmen easily excuse the matter, finding the juncture of time falling out when many popish pulpits sounded the alarum to Kett his rebellion and the Devonshire commotion, whereof hereafter. Besides, this prohibition of preaching lasted but for few weeks ; and we read of a silence for about the space of half an hour ^ even in heaven itself.
1 Rev. viii. i. " from the king to that effect."
r [The object of this probi- Burnet, II. 53, 125. See also
bition was to appease in some the letter sent by the council
degree the feverish excitement to such as had licenses to
of the nation, now raised to a preach. Burnet, II. ii.iSg. Wil-
great height by the contro- kins, iv. 27. The reader will
versies they heard so variously smile at the epithet here ap-
agitated in the pulpits, and to plied to the homilies of the
encourage such as favoured the church of England, which,
Reformation, who easily ob- compared with the overheated
tained licenses to preach. For political tirades of the time,
this purpose also it was required (for sermons they were not,)
that no bishops should preach would doubtless appear cold
elsewhere than in their cathe- and formal. They were alike
drals ; " and that all other cler- disrelished by the extremes of
" gymen should not preach but all parties, though highly es-
" in their collegiate or paro- teemed by Bucer^ Ridley, and
" chial churches, unless they others. See Strype's Mem. II.
"obtained a special license 31.]
CENT. XVI. of Britain. ^5
vii. " A Proclamation for the payment of the late a. d. 1548. " incumbents of Colledges and Chanteries, lately dis- -^ — '■ — '-
" solved. A7mo 2 Edvardi Sccvti, Octob. 31,
17. The pulpit thus shut and silent by proclama- a procia- tion, the stage was the more open and vocal for tlie^a?,',st same ; the popish priests, which, though unseen, ^tage-piays. stood behind the hanging, or lurked in the tiring house, removed their invectives from sermons to plays, and a more proper place indeed for the venting thereof. Here it made old sport, to see the new religion (as they term it) made ridiculous, with the prime patrons thereof, which caused the ensuing proclamation for the prohibition ^.
viii. " A Proclamation for the Inhibition of " Players. Anno S Edvardi VI" Aug. 6. And some perchance will not grudge the time to read the form thereof:
" Forasmuch as a great number of those that be " common players of enterludes and plaies, as well
s [^Bishop Gardiner, in his thor of the treatise, " A Con- letters to the protector, makes *' futation of unwritten Veri- great complaints against the " ties," published among Cran- players. See Fox, II. 716, and mer's Remains. Comparing the Tytler's Collection, I. 21, in different states of the gospel Avhich he complains that Avhile under Edward VI. and queen he and the parishioners of his IMary, in whose reign he wrote, parish in the borough of South- he observes: " God's word at that wark had resolved on having a " time (in Edward's reign) had solemn dirge for the king, who " the prize and bare the bell was as yet unburied, certain " away throughout the Avhole players belonging to lord Ox- " land. With that were all ford had on that agreed to open " pulpits filled, churches gar-- their theatre. So that it is " nished, printers' shops fur- probable that the stage was " nished, and every man's house directed, not against the Re- " decked. With God's word formation, but against popery. " was every man's mouth occu- Indeed this is still more clear " pied; of thai were all songs, from the complaints of many " interludes, and plays made." zealous reformers, and the au- Cranmer's Remains, IV. 152.]
D 2
36 The Church History book vii.
A.D. 1549." within the city of London as elswhere, within the
" realm, doe for the most part play such mterludes
" as contain matter tending to sedition, and con- " temning of sundry good orders and laws ; w^here- " upon are grown, and daily are like to grow and " ensue, much disquiet, division, tumults, and uprores " in this realm : the kings majestic, by the advise " and consent of his dearest uncle, Edw^ard duke of " Somerset, governour of his person, and protectour " of his realms, dominions, and subjects, and the rest " of his highnesse privie councell, straitly chargeth " and commandeth all and every his majesties sub- " jects, of whatsoever state, order, or degree they be, " that from the ninth day of this present month of " August, untill the feast of All Saints next com- *' ming, they, nor any of them, openly or secretly " play in the English tongue any kinde of interlude, " play, dialogue, or other matter, set forth in form " of play, in any place, publick or private, within this " realm, upon pain that whosoever shall play in " English any such play, interlude, dialogue, or other " matter, shall suffer imprisonment, and further pu- " nishment, at the pleasure of his majestic.
" For the better execution whereof, his majesty, " by the said advise and consent, straitly chargeth *' and commandeth all and singular majors, sheriffs, " bailiffs, constables, headboroughs, tything-men, jus- " tices of peace, and all other his majesties head " officers, in all the parts throughout the realm, to " give order and speciall heed, that this proclama- " tion be in all behalfs well and truly kept and " observed, as they and every of them tender his " highnesse pleasure, and will avoid his indignation."
CENT. XVI.
of Britain. 37
18. The proclamation, being but temporary, did a. d. 1549-
not take down, but only clear the stage for a time ;
reformed interludes, as they term them, being after- ward permitted ; yea, in the first of queen Elizabeth, scripture-plays were acted even in the church itself, which in my opinion the more pious the more pro- fane ; stooping faith to fancy, and abating the ma- jesty of God's word. Such pageants might inform, not edify, though indulged the ignorance of that age ; for, though children may be played into learn- ing, all must be wrought into religion by ordinances of divine institutions, and the means ought to be as serious as the end is secret.
" Rex omnibus ad quos praesentes &c. salutem. " Sciatis quod nos de gratia nostra speciali, ac ex " certa scientia et mero motu nostris dedimus et " concessimus ac per prsesentes damns et concedimus " dilecto servienti nostro Thomas Barthelet impres- " sori nostro quandam annuitatem sive quendam " annualem redditum quatuor librarum sterlingorum, " habendum et annuatim percipiendum prsedictam " annuitatem sive annualem redditum quatuor libra- " rum eidem Thomas Barthelet a Festo Pascha?, " Anno Regni nostri vicesimo prime, durante vita " sua de Thesauro nostro ad receptum Scaccarii " nostri per manus Thesaurarum et Camerarii nos- " tronmi ibidem pro tempore existendo ad Festa " Sancti Michaelis Archangeli et Paschse per equales " portiones &c. quod expressa mentio &c.
" In cujus &c. testimonium rei apud Westmin- " steriensem vicesimo secundo die Februarii, Anno " Regni Henrici Octavi vicesimo prime.
" Per Breve de private Sigillo." d3
38
The Church History
BOOK VII.
A. D. 1540 3 Ed. VI.
Oxford library re- formed of all its an- cient ma- nuscripts.
Loth to believe.
19. An ample commission was granted to John Dudley, earl of Warwick S and eight more ; any seven, six, five, four, three, two, or one of them, to visit in capite et memhris the whole diocese, but especially the university of Oxford. The effects of this visitation do not appear, save only that they so clearly purged the university from all monuments of superstition, that they left not one book of many goodly manuscripts wherewith it was furnished by the munificence of several benefactors. Thus covet- ousness and ambition are such active vices, they are seldom off the theatre, though not appearing with their own faces, but the borrowed masks of public good of church or state. Such robbers de- serve not the benefit of the clergy, to be saved by their book, who feloniously (not to say sacrilegiously) purloined a public library from an university.
20. The blame is commonly cast on doctor Coxe, who, as one saith, (but it is but one who saith it,) being then chancellor of the university, so cancelled
s [This earl was the son of the celebrated Edmund Dudley, who, like Cromwell^, having lent himself as a willing instrument to royal extortion, met with the due reward of a corrupt minis- ter, losing his head at the bid- ding of the king. His attain- der, however, having been re- versed in 1 51 1 , his son (created afterwards earl of Northumber- land) succeeded to his father's estate, and with it his father's disposition. Inspired with the zeal of reformation, and warmed with disinterested affection to- wards the welfare of the church, he took the most effectual means
to purge it of both property and corruption ; and feelingly alive to the temptation of riches^ and the vices which they engender, relieved the church of both, by taking both into his own safe keeping. In this only he was unhappy, that whilst he set others so notable an example, with all the inclination, he left them not the means to follow him. We may thus understand the motives which made him " so frequent, incessant, and " importunate," as Mr. Tytler describes him, in his applica- tions to the protector and to the secretary of state.]
(,ENT. XVI. of Britain. 39
the books thereof, they could never since recover a. d. 1549.
them *. Indeed I find another author charging him '. 1
therewith ", but with this parenthesis (" 'tis said") ; and my charity would fain believe fame a false report therein, finding him otherwise a deserving person, very well qualified ; and it is strange to me, that he who at this present was the king's almoner, to dis- pense his charity in giving to others, should be so cruel and covetous, and to deprive an university of so precious a treasure so long and justly belonging unto them.
21. The king's affairs, both ecclesiastical and civil, An epide-
c ^• 1- mical dis-
stood now m a probable posture ot success, glidmg temper of on wdth a fair and full current ; when both on a ^^' *^' sudden were unexpectedly obstructed with domestical dissensions of his own subjects : distempers not con- siderable, if singly considered in themselves, but very dangerous in their concurrence, as if all in several counties at one instant were acted with the same spirit of rebellion. ]\Iy author imputeth it to Midsummer-moon, and the sun now in Cancer; though surely it proceeded from a deeper cause, as will appear to the perusers of these two contempo- rary treasons.
t Sir John Harrington, in The preface and the Life of
the list of the bishops of Ely. sir J. Cheke, prefixed to this
[Works, ii. no.] pamphlet, are stated to have
" In his preface to the Life been written by the celebrated
of sir John Cheke, printed at Dr. Gerard Langbaine, provost
Oxford, at the beginning of of Queen's College, Oxford,
sir John Cheke's " True Sub- See Wood's Ath. IL 220.] " ject to the Rebel," 1641.
D 4
40
The Church History
BOOK VII.
A. D. 1549. Devon Commotion ^.
3 Ed. VI.
I. It began on Whitsun-
The begin- Monday, at Stampford-Court-
iiing 01 two -^ ^
rebellions.
^ [The most correct account of the rebellion in Devonshire is that by John Hooker, cham- berlain of Exeter, who was, as he describes himself, " testis " uculatus of things there " done." This account is closely followed and abbreviated by Fuller, and is printed at length in Holinshed, 1014.]
y [Of the commotions in Norfolk a full and accurate description was penned in La- tin, at the desire of archbishop Parker, by Alexander Neville, at one time an inmate of the archbishop's house. The writer, as well as his patron, was a native of Norwich, and proba- bly an eyewitness of the facts which he narrates. This book was first published in 1575, the same year in which the arch- bishop died^ and again in 1582, on account of the elegance of its Latinity, with a view to its being used as a school-book. The dedication to the arch- bishop, and the lines on his death, prefixed to this work by the author, have been reprint- ed, though very incorrectly, by Strype in his Life of Parker, 499, 502, App. 193. Of this work an almost literal version, but somewhat epitomized, is given by Holinshed, 1028.
The direct occasion of these troubles, which were near being general throughout England, took its origin from the land- lords converting large portions
Norfolk Rebellion y.
I. It began about the 20th of June, at Atilborough, about
of their arable lands into pas- turage, throwing together the small farms, raising the rents of such as remained, and en- closing the public lands. This was carried to such an alarm- ing extent, and had given rise to so much clamour and dis- order, that upon the ist June, 1548, a commission was ap- pointed to inquire into these grievances, and a proclamation issued at the same time that all his majesty's loving subjects should give notice where such oflFences existed to the commis- sioners. (See them exemplified in Strype's Mem. II. 92, App. 47.) But by the influence and arts of those against whom this commission was directed, its efforts were frustrated, and the proclamation neglected. Upon which, " the unadvised people, " presuming upon this procla- " mation, thinking they should " be borne out by them that " had set it forth, rashly with- " out order took upon them " to redress the matter." Ho- linshed, 1002. And particu- larly the disaflfected in Norfolk, who had emissaries in several counties, hearing upon some uncertain rumour that the en- closures in Kent had been re- moved, and imagining that the same justice was denied to them, rose at Wymondham, a village about nine miles from Norwich, and compelled Kett, who had himself enclosed cer-
CENT. XVi.
of Britain.
41
ney ^, where the people tuniiil- tuously compelled the priest (whose secret compliance is suspected by some covertly to court their compulsion) to say mass, and officiate in Latin, as best pleased with what they least understood.
2, Humphrey Arundell, es- quire, governor of the Mount in Cornwall, (one whose abili- ties might have been better employed,) Winslande, a man of worship, and one Coffin, a gentleman, were their principal conductors. Otherwise (though assuming to themselves the high style of the commons of Devonshire and Cornwall) they were but a heap of mean me- chanics, though many in num- ber, and daily increasing; so that at last they were reputed to exceed ten thousand, all stout and able persons.
3. Sir Pierce Courtenay, she- riff of Devonshire, appeared very loyal and active for their seasonable suppressing ; but others of the county gentry.
the laying open of Commons, ■''^•D- J.;49-
^ Kd. VI. pretended lately enclosed to J
the prejudice of the poor ; much
increased on the 6th of July at
Windham Play, where there
was a great confluence of idle
people repairing from all parts
of the county.
2. Robert Kett, tanner of Their ring- Windham, (one of more wealth jiumber. than common folk of his craft,
yet of more wit than Avealth, confidence than either,) was chosen their captain. He, with two assistants chosen out of every hundred, kept his king's bench, chancery, and all other courts under a tree, termed the Oak of Reformation ; where he did justice, be it wrong or right, to all such as were sum- moned before him. In short time they increased to be more than twenty thousand.
3. Sir Edmund Windham, The she- sheriff of Norfolk, commanded ^'^'^ ^"-
deavours
them in the king's name peace- succeed not. ably to depart ; but had not his horsemanship been better
tain of the public lands, to throw down his enclosures and join them. This man, possessed of a bold spirit, and being of great courage and conduct, would have graced a better cause, and prevented his fol- lowers from committing many cruelties. Stow describes him as " one who might dispend in " lands fifty pound by year,
" and was worth in movables " about a thousand marks," (597;) a large fortune for those days. For a fuller account of these tumults, of their origin, and what was done to suppress them, see Burnet, II. 234. Strype's Mem. II. 166, 174.]
z [About sixteen miles from Exeter.]
42
The Church History
BOOK VII.
A.D. 1^49 3 Ed.VI.
The de- scription of Exeter and Norwich.
The rebels send proud demands to the king.
(whose names I had rather the reader should learn from my author's pen than mine own,) by their privy connivance, and in eiFect concurrence, much advantaged their proceedings. Many were taken prisoners by them, because they would be taken, and found favour there- upon. And now the seditious march in a full body to Exeter; and on the citizens' refusal to admit them in, resolve suddenly to besiege it, boasting they would shortly measure the silks and satins therein by the length of their bows.
4. Exeter is a round city on a rising hill, most capable of fortification both for the site and form thereof. Her walls (though of the old edition) were competently strong and ^vell repaired. John Blackaller, major of Exeter, though a mere merchant, little skilled in poli- tic, less in military affairs, had wisdom to know who were wiser than himself, and wil- lingly to be directed by them. And now the seditious, having taken the ordinance at Tops- ham, set down before Exeter, presuming quickly to conquer the same.
5. But first they are con- sulting about articles to be
than his rhetoric, liimself had not departed the place. Yea, now the rebels began to play their pranks, threatening to burn the house, and defacing the dovecot, (formerly a chapel, before it was turned of an house of prayer into a den of thieves,) of master Corbets 2 of Sprow- ston, and, committing many outrages, laid all pastures ra- ther waste than open where they came. Yea, now they march towards Norwich, the chief place in the county.
4. Norwich is like a great volume with a bad cover, hav- ing at best but parchment walls about it ; nor can it with much cost and time be eflfectually fortified, because under the frowning brow of Mousehold Hill, hanging over it. The river Yere so wanton, that it knoweth not its own mind which way to go, such the involved flexures thereof with- in a mile of this city, runneth partly by, partly through it, but contributeth very little to the strengthening thereof.
5. The rebels encamped, or rather enkennelled themselves
z [This very ancient family Sprowston is a village about still remains in Norwich, three miles from that city.]
CENT. XVI.
of Britain.
43
sent to the king. Some would have no justices, (can you blame offenders if desiring to destroy their enemies?) others no gentlemen, all no English service; mass must be restored, the six articles (lately repealed) they would have put in exe- cution, and popery re-esta- blished t». Concluding all with this close, (the gilded paper to wrap up poisonous treasons, at the beginning thereof,) " We " pray God save king Ed^vard, " for we be his, both body and " goods c." Whose unreason- able demands were justly re- jected by the king, yet pardon proclaimed to such as would accept thereof; which the se- ditious, mistaking the king's favour to be his fear, utterly refused.
6. IMeantime Exeter was not so much frighted with her foes without, as M'ith famine and faction within the walls thereof.
on Mousehold Ilill, (whereon A. 0.1549. Mount Surrev, a fair house of ^ ' ' the dukes of Norfolk,) whence they had free egress and regress into Norwich as oft as they pleased a. One [Thomas] Con- yers, a vicar in the city, they had for their chaplain ; and were so religiously rebellious, that prayers morning and even- ing were read amongst them. Meantime, so intolerable was their insolence, that now they sent up such demands to the king, to which he neither would in honour nor could in justice condescend. Yet the king con- stantly chequered his commina- tions with proclamations of par- don, which the rebels scorned to accept.
6. As for Thomas Codd ^, Exeter re- major of Norwich, and others 'n^^or^^,;',.}^
of the gentry, detained prison- yieldeth to T^ ^^, .1 the rebels.
ers m Kett s camp, they were
^ [Their first intention was to have encamped at Eton, a hamlet of Norwich, at that time covered with a hill ; but not finding it suitable to their purpose, they took post on Mousehold, on a hill called St. James, which commands the river and the city ; the walls of Rett's Castle, as it is called, remaining to this day ; and his cave, close adjoining. After this, they seized on St. Leo- nard's Hill, opposite to Nor- wich, where stood the house of
the earl of Surrey, at the bot- tom of which flows the river ; the village of Thorpe stretching to the south-west, and Mouse- hold to the north-east. These parts were at that time much covered with wood, but are at this day greatly altered.]
^ [Printed in Fox, II. 666, and in Strype's Cran. p. 186, and N. XL. with the arch- bishop's answer to them.]
c [Fox, ib.]
'^ [This family still remains in those parts.]
44
The Church History
BOOK VII.
A. D. 1549. Great was the want of victuals, 3 Ed. VI. r^jjfj bread especially. Now,
Plebs nescit jejuna timere.
Where there is the barking of the belly, there no other com- mands will be heard, much less obeyed. But this was in some sort qualified by proportioning all provisions in the city to all alike ; and mean folk will be the better pleased with coarse and short diet when eating out of the same dish with their betters. When in successful sallies they recovered any cattle from the rebels, the poor had the principal share thereof.
7. Faction in the city was of most dangerous consequence, the generality thereof favour- ing popery, and cordial pro- testants but few in comparison of the other party. However,
admitted to the councils of the rebels, for the better credit thereof 6. If Kett Avere pre- sent, they were no better than herb John in the pottage, and had no influence on their con- sultations ; but if he happily chanced to be absent, then they were like St. John's wort, (so sovereign for sores, and against the plague itself,) and did much mitigate the fury of their mischievous decrees. Mean- time great plenty was in Rett's camp, (v/here a fat sheep was sold for a groat,) but penury and misery in all other places f.
7. Dr. Matthew Parker, (afterwards archbishop of Can- terbury,) getting up into the Oak of Reformation, preached to the rebels of their duty and allegiance S ; but the oak as
e [[They endeavoured to make Thomas Codd, Robert Watson, and Thomas Aldrich, of Mangreen Hall, partners in their conspiracy ; but they, re- fusing, were detained and com- pelled to be present at all Ketts's councils. The latter especially, from his high cha- racter for probity and modera- tion, possessed great influence Avith the rebels.]
f [The rebels, who had in- creased in Rett's camp to the number of six thousand, finding that some of their members secretly appropriated the plun- der and concealed it in caves.
informed Rett and their go- vernors of it. To remedy this evil they built a kind of stage about an old oak which grew near their camp, upon which Rett sat and dispensed judg- ment, and decided in such causes as were brought before him. This oak they called ! the " oak of reformation." From this place he frequently ha- rangued his followers ; and some of the clergy of the neighbourhood, whom they had compelledtojointhem, preached to them from it.]
S [Neville, 20. Strype's Park. 26.]
CENT. XVI.
of Britain.
45
this was a good hc4p to the protestants, that such who se- vered from them in the church joined with them in the town- house. Rich papists feared their goods would be con- demned as heretical, even by the rebels of their own religion, which made them persist in their loyalty to their sove- reign.
8. John Russell^, lord privy seal, was sent down with small forces to suppress the commo- tion ; a person very proper for that service, as of a stout spirit, and richly landed in this county. He stayed some time at Honiton, in vain expecting promised supplies, either be- cause this lord was look':'d on as of the protector's party, whose court interest did much decline, or because Norfolk rebellion, as nearer London, engrossed all warlike provi- sions. Thus was this lord in deep distress, having nothing (save his commission) strong about him ; and his few forces, for fear and want of pay, began daily to forsake him.
9. And now, following the advice of the Dorsetshire gen- try, he was ready to return, when three princely merchants, (for so may I term them, both
soon as the auditory would A. D. 1549- , 1 . 1 . • , . sEd.VI. embrace his doctrme : yea, his _z.
life was likely to be ended be- fore his sermon, (arrows being shot at him,) had not Conyers, Rett's chaplain, seasonably yet abruptly set the Te Deum ; during the singing whereof the doctor withdrew to sing his part at home, and thank God for his great deliverance.
8. William Parr, marquis of Aid sent to -»T , 1 suppress Northampton, but more ac- ^^^ rebels.
quainted with the witty than the warlike part of Pallas, (as complete in music, poetry, and courtship,) with many persons of honour, as the lords [John] Sheffield and [Thomas] Went- worth, sir Anthony Denny, sir Ralph Sadlier, sir Thomas Pas- ton, &c., is sent to quell this rebellion, with \ 500 men. They were assisted with a band of Italians, under Malatesta their captain ; whereof the rebels made this advantage to fill the country with com.plaints that these were but an handful of an armful to follow driving on the design, to subject England to the insolence of foreigners.
9. Now, though neither wis- The lord dom nor valour was wanting in "'^'''^
^ conqueror.
the king's soldiers, yet success Lord mar- failed them, being too few to*l"''T"
'^ quered.
defend Norwich and oppose
^ [See his account of his his own letter to the council, proceedings in this rebellion, in Strype's Mem. II. App. 103,]
46
The Church History
iiOOK VII.
A.D. 1549- for great interest and loyal in- _____l__l_tentionSj) viz. Thomas Prest- woodj John Bodly, and John Periam, so improved their cre- dits with Bristol, Lyme, and Taunton, that they furnished the lord Russell with necessa- ries to march forward. Ani- mated herewith, they advance, and gave the rebels such a blow at Fenington Bridge, that they left three hundred of their bodies dead on the place. The lord i°- Soon after the lord Grey
Grey and of Wilton (whose slowness may Warwick ^^ excused, as busied by the come with ^yay in suppressing tumults in pljpg_ Buckingham and Oxfordshire)
came with a company of horse- men and 300 Italian shot, un- der Baptist Spinola, their leader, to recruit the lord Russell. Here one would wonder to behold the native English fight- ing in the maintenance of the mass, opposed by Italians, un- til he considereth that these foreigners, being soldiers of fortune, consulted the coin, not the cause, of such as en- tertained them. And now the king's army advanceth towards Exeter, a word or two of which city's sad condition.
I r. The rebels had often attempted to fire the gates of the city, till at last the citizens found the paradox true, that " the only way to keep their
the rebels : insomuch that the lord Sheffield was barbarously butchered, sir Thomas Corn- waJlis taken prisoner, and the city fired by the rebels ; which probably had been burnt to ashes, had not the clouds, com- miserating the city's calamity, and meltinginto tears, quenched the flames ; and thus the mar- quis, fain to quit the service, returned to London.
JO. Then was John Dudley, earl of Warwick, with such forces as were intended for Scotland, sent to undertake the task. The marquis of Northampton attended him, to try whether he could be more fortunate in following than he had been in leading. Coming to Norwich, he easily entered the city, and entertained the rebels with many sallies with various success, here too long to relate ; but generally the earl of Warwick came off with the better.
I J . Now the rebels, impreg- nable in some sort if still keep- ing INIousehold Hill, (whereon the earl's horse could do small service,) deserted it of their
CEKT. XVI.
of Britain.
47
" city shut was to set their " gates open," making rampires more defensible behind them. As for the enemy's intent to undermine and blow up the walls, it was first discovered, then defeated, by John New- combe, a tinner of Teignmouth ; for, taking advantage of the declivity of the city on that side, he countermined the re- bels' work, and then derived into it all the kennels and water - courses, falling down with a great precipice, and so drowned the vault intended with powder to blow up the walls ; besides, at the same in- stant set an impetuous shower, which added to the deluge. Thus in vain doth hell seek to kindle that fire, when heaven intendeth to pour water for the quenching thereof.
12. Famine raged most ex- tremely, insomuch as they were fain to bake bran and meal moulded up in cloths, for other- wise it would not stick toge- ther. Nor must the worthy resolution of a loyal citizen be
own accord, and came down A. D. 1549. into Uussindale>. Here their St^d.Vl. superstition fancied themselves sufliciently fenced by the virtue of an old prophecy :
" Z\)e countrg gnooffcs, ?l?ob, pj^jUp
i3ic6,anllp?icfe,toitl) clubs Comineus.
anD cloutcD sftoon, ^\)M, fill up 33u5$int)alc \a\i\) glaugj^tneli boDicg soonc."
It hath ever been charged on the English, as if they always " carried an old prophecy about " with them in their pockets'"'," which they can produce at plea- sure to promote their designs, though oft mistaken in the ap- plication of such equivocating predictions, as here these silly folk were deluded ; for, it be- ing believed that Dussindale must make a large and soft pillow for Death to rest there- on, these rebels apprehended themselves the upholsterers to make, who proved only the stuffing to fill the same.
12. The earl, glad that the enemy had quitted the hill, fell with all his forces upon them ; and here happened a most bloody battle. The rebels dis- puted the ground with their natural logic, as I may term it
i [They were compelled to Philip Hobby. Strype's Mem.
leave their ground, being strait- H. App. 106]
ened from want of provisions. ^ [See this History, p. 228.] See the protector's letter to sir
48
The Church History
BOOK VII.
A, D. 1549. forgotten, publicly professing, that "rather than he would " surrender the city to the "■ rebels, he would tight with " one arm and feed on the " other." And now they were reduced to utmost extremity, when the seasonable approach of lord privy seal put a period to their miseries; for at the windmill of St. ]Mary Clist, after a bloody battle, wherein sir William Francis Avas slain on the king's side, the rebels were routed and forced to fly, leaving a thousand of their corps dead on the place. Miles Coverdale gave public thanks to God for the victory in the view of Exeter •, and soon after was made the bishop thereof m. 13. Then the lord caused St. Mary Clist to be burnt to the ground, though it was his own town, as knowing full well traitors to their king would never make good tenants to their landlord. And on Clist Heath a second light was be- gun, where the rebels were finally overcome. The lord privy seal marched into Exe- ter, and was there, as he well deserved, welcomed with all possible expressions of joy. Sir
— downright blows, without much military discipline. Here one might have seen young boys (timely traitors) plucking the arrows wherewith they were wounded out of their own flesh, and giving them to those of their own party to shoot them back again ; here some, thrust through with spears, wilfully engaged their bodies the deeper thereon, only striving to reach out their re- venge on those who wounded them. But at last rage was conquered by courage, number by valour, rebellion by loyalty, and in the fight and pursuit two thousand at the least were slain.
13. Remarkable was Divine Providence in preserving the captive gentlemen of the coun- try, whom the rebels coupled together, and set them in the front of the fight. Now, al- though it be true what David saith. The tword devoureth one as well as another ^^j yet so discreetly did captain Drury charge the van of the rebels, that most of these innocent prisoners made their escape. The last litter of Kett's kennel,
1 [He was for some time assistant to Veysey, his prede- cessor in that see ; but accord- ing to Hooker he was at that time " attending on my loi-d
" [Russell] in this journey." Hoiinshed, 1025.]
"" [Aug. 27, 1 55 I.]
n 2 Sam. xi. 25.
CEMT. XVI.
of Britain.
49
William Herbert, with looo Welsh, came too late to fight, but soon enough to be an ho- nourable witness of the vic- tory.
14. This sixth of August, the day of their deliver- ance, is an high festival in the almanack of Exeter ; good cheer, and thereby, I justly guess, their great gratitude being annually observed, with a public sermon to jjerpetuate the memory of God's mercy unto them. Yet such solem- nities do daily decay, every new generation being removed one degree further from the deliverance. The king con- ferred the manor of Exilond (formerly belonging to the city, but wrested from it by the earls of Devonshire) on their corporation, in reward of their loyalty and valour.
15. Humphrey Arundel, Winslande, Bury, and Coffin were executed; and, as this commotion began, it ended, at Sampford - Courtney, where their last remnant was defeat- ed. Six popish priests were hanged, with Welsh, the vicar of St. Thomas ; though all this Avas but mercy to the cruelty of sir Anthony Kingston, pro- vost-marshal, in trussing up many mean offenders «.
stiffly standing out and fortify- A. D. 1549-
ing themselves, accepted of J U — L
pardon on the earl's promise it should be assured unto them.
1 4. On the nine and twen- Two so- tieth of August a solemn f^jj"^^^'^' ^ thanksgiving was made in Norwich for their deliverance,
and is annually continued. In- deed, this city being betwixt weakness and strength, is taxed for wavering at the time be- twixt loyalty and revolt ; though, to give the citizens their due, many expressed their fidelity to their prince as far as they durst for fear of destruction. Yet better had it been had Norwich been weaker to be quitted, or stronger to be defended, whose mongrel strength exposed it to the greater misery.
1 5 . Robert Kett was hanged The legal
on Norwich Castle; William, ''f™*'*'" ' 01 the re-
his brother, on Windham stee- bels. pie ; nine others on the oak of reformation, which never till then brooked the name thereof. Amongst these, Miles, a cun- ning cannoneer, was much la- mented, because remorse kept him from doing much mischief to which his cunning did en- able him P.
^ [Holinshed, 1006. He jester as the noted Jefl["reys. was as cruel and barbarous a See Holinshed, 1006-7. i"-
FULLEK, vol.. IV. E
50 The Church History book vii.
A.D. 1549. Thus, by God's blessing- on man's endeavours, ; — Lboth. these rebellions were seasonably supjiressed •!.
That of Devonshire did openly avouch the advancing of popery ; the other was suspected secretly fomented by some papists, who stood behind the curtain, but ready to step on the stage, had success of the design but given them the cue of entrance. As for the rebellion at the same time in Yorkshire, (which from a small pustule might have proved a painful boil, yea, a fistulated ulcer if neglected,) it was quickly quelled on the execution of [William] Omler and [Thomas] Dale, the chief promoters thereof''. Abstracts 22. By the favour of sir Thomas Cotton, having matters out obtained to make use of his library, (our English ward"s^own ^^tican for manuscripts,) I shall transcribe king diary. Edward's Diurnal, written with his own hand, of the transactions in his reign ^ True it is his obser- vations, for his two first years, are short, and not exactly expressing the notation of time; but his notes, as the noter, got perfection with his age. They most belong to secular affairs, out of which we have selected such as respect ecclesiastical mat- ters. May the reader be pleased to take notice, that though my observations, as printed, go abreast in parallel columns with those of his highness, it is my intention they should observe their distance, in their humble attendance thereupon.
deed throughout the whole of q [i549-] these commotions the rich no- "^ [21st September. Fox, II.
bility acted against the deluded 670. Stow, 597.] people, who were but instru- ^ [Cotton Lib. Nero. C. x.
ments in the hands of others, This diary has been printed,
with a ferocity unparalleled ex- but with some errors, at full
ceptinthe annals of a civil war.] length by bishop Burnet, in
P [He was suspected to have his History of the Reformation,
been bribed. Neville, ib. 55.] vol. II. App.]
CENT. XV],
of Britain.
51
Tea?t Royal.
" 1549. The lord protec-" " tor, by his own agree-" " ment (1) and submission," " lost his jH-otectorship (2)," " treasurership, marshal-" " ship, all his movables," " and near 2000 pound" " land,byactofi)arliament."
" April 4th, 1550. The" " bishop of Chichester* (3)," " before a vehement af-" " firmer of transubstantia-" " tion, did preach against" " [it] at Westminster, in" " the preaching place."
" April 10th. My lord" " Somerset taken into the" " council."
" April 13th. Order" " taken, that whosoever" " had benefices given them" " (4) should preach before" " the king, in or out of" " Lent, and every Sunday" " there should be a sermon."
" April 19th. Whereas" " the emperor's ambassa-" '"• dor desired leave, by let-"
Observations thereon .
(i) Thus the pilot, to save the ship from sinking, casts out the rich lading into the sea.
(2) This lay void ever after, whilst the treasurer- ship was presently conferred on William Paulet, marquis of Winchester ; and the marshalship on John Dud- ley, earl of Warwick.
(3) Namely, George Day, who, notwithstanding this sermon, remained a zealous papist, and on that score was deprived of his bishop-
A.D. njso. 4 Ed. VI.
(4) Understand it, not by private patrons, but either presented by the king or lord chancellor.
t [ In Cotton MS. " Ches- " tre" (sic).]
" [loth Oct. 1 55 1. Stow, 605. 6th Oct. 1551, accord-
ing to king Edward's Journal, 53. See Burnet, 417. He was succeeded by Scory, bishop of Rochester.]
E 2
52
The Church History
BOOK VII.
A.D. 1550. " ters patents, that my lady" _1__1__1" Mary might have mass;" " it was denied him (5)."
" April 27th. It was" " granted that my lord of" " Somerset should have all" " his movable goods and" " leases, except those that" " be already given (6)."
" May 2nd. Joan Bocher" " (7), otherwise called Joan" " of Kent, was burnt for" " holding ' that Christ was" " not incarnate of the Vir-" " gin Mary,' being con-"
^ [Such is the assertion of "
Fox, Acts, &c., II. 653. Bur- "
net, II. 355, affirms that the ''
council employed Cranmer and "
Ridley, for mere political rea- '
sons, to persuade the king. The '
princess in her letters to the "
council, where she reproaches "
them for not keeping their ''
promise to the emperor, never "
alludes to his ambassador's en- '
gaging the English prelates in '
this service. See her letters in ''
Fox, II. 701, sq.] '
y [See Cranmer' sWorks, III. "
138, 144. Burnet, II. 230. '
Strype's Mem. II. 214. And ''
the letter of the archbishop of '
Canterbury and other the king's '
commissioners respecting this '
woman, dated April 30, 1549, '
in Wilkins, IV. 43. Of the '
king's concern for this woman, '
and his desire to spare her. Fox '
gives the following account : '
(5) These engaged arch- bishop Cranmer and bishop Ridley to press the king with politic reasons for the permission thereof. He, un- able to answer their argu- ments, fell a weeping X.
(6) Courtiers keep what they catch, and catch what- ever they can come by.
(7) An obstinate heretic, maintaining that Christ as- sumed nothing of the Virgin Mary, but passed through her as a conduit-pipe. She with one or two Arians were
He always spared and fa- voured the life of man, as once appeared in a certain dissertation of his had with master Cheeke in favouring the life of heretics; inso- much that when Joane But- cher should be burned, all the council could not move him to put his hand, but were fain to get Dr. Cran- mer to persuade with him ; and yet neither could he, with much labour, induce the king to do so, saying, ' What, my lord ! will you have me to send her quick to the devil in her error?' So that Dr. Cranmer himself confessed that he had never so much to do in all his life as to cause the king to put his hand, saying that he would lay all the charge thereof upon Cranmer before
CENT. XVI.
of Britain
demned the year before^," but kept in hope of con-" version ; and the 30th of" April the bishop of Lon-" don and the bishop of" Ely ^ were to persuade" her ; but she withstood" them, and reviled the" preacher that preached" at her death." " May 20th. The lord" Cobham^ and sir Wil-" liam Petre came home" from their journey, deli-" vering both the oath and" the testimonial of the" oath, witnessed by divers" noblemen of France, and" also the treaty sealed" with the great seal of" France (8) ; and in the"
all who (and that justly) A. D.i.«;.i;< died in this king's reign for "^ their opinions Y.
(8) Advantageous enough for the French, and disho- nourable too much to the English, whose covetousness was above their sense of honour 3 selling Boulogne, bought mth blood, for a sum of money ^.
" God." Acts, II. 652. Stow says, " There preached before " her at the stake, to have " converted her from her he- " resy, Dr. Story ; but she, not " regarding his doctrine, said " to him he lied like, &c." p. 604. The whole process of her examination is detailed in the works already mentioned. Stow, p. 596.]
z [April, 1549.]
a [Nicholas Ridley and Tho- mas Goodrich.]
^ [George Brook.]
c [They had been sent on the 18th of April to receive the French king's oath in rati-
fication of the treaty of Bou- logne. This peace was deter- mined on in February. Stow (p. 604) thus describes the negotiation : " After divers " meetings of our ambassadors " with the lords of France at " Boulogne, a final peace was " concluded, upon condition " that the French king, paying " a certain sum of money to " the kino; of England, should " have rendered to him the " town of Boulogne, and all " the forts thereunto belong- " ing, Avith all such artillery " and munition as was there " at the taking thereof by the
E 3
54
The Church History
BOOK VII.
'^ J^/IA"* " oath was confessed that"
4 Ld. VI.
" I was supreme head of"
" the church of England" " and Ireland (9)."
" June 9th. The duke" " of Somerset ^, marquis of" " Northampton'', lord trea-" " surer Bedford ^, and the" " secretary Petre s, went" " to the bishop of Win-" " Chester^' to know to what" " he would stick (10). He" " made answer that he" " would obey and set forth" " all things set forth by me" " and my parliament ; and" " if he were troubled in" " conscience, he would re-" " veal it to the council," " and not reason openly" " against it '^."
" June 10th. The books" " of my proceedings was" " sent to the bishop of"
(9) The controversy about this title lying not betwixt the crowns of England and France, but betwixt Eng- land and Rome, no Avonder if the French yielded to any style in a treaty so gainful- to themselves.
(10) For as yet this sub- tle statist scarce knew his own mind, often receding from his resolves, whose in- constancy in this kind in- censed the king and council against him.
" English ; for the perform- " ance whereof hostages were " by both parties to be deli- " vered : so that on the last " day of March a general peace " was proclaimed between the •' kings of England and France, " the emperor and the Scots." See also King Edward's Jour- nal, 13, and Burnet, II. 306. The negotiation appears to have given great offence, and was afterwards thrown in the
teeth of the duke of Somerset by his political opponents. See his letters to lord llussell, in Fox, II. 749. The policy of this measure is discussed by Burnet. Ref. II. 269.]
^ [Edward Seymour.]
e [William Parr.]
f [John Russell.]
s [Gardyner.]
^ [Burnet, II. 3 10. The let- ters which passed on this occa- sion are printed in Fox, II. 734.]
CENT. XVI.
of Britain.
55
' Winchester, to see whe-" ' ther he would set his" ' hand to it, or promise to" ' set it forth to the people." " June 14th. The duke" ' of Somerset, with five" ' other of the council, went" ' to the bishop of Winches-" ' ter, to whom he made" ' this answer : ' I, having" ' deliberately seen the" ' Book of Common Prayer," ' although I would not" ' have made it so myself," ' yet I find such things in"
• it as satisfieth my con-"
• science ; and therefore" ■ both I will execute it"
myself, and also see other" my parishioners to do it' " (11). This was subscribed" by the foresaid counsel-" lors, that they heard him" saying these words." " July 9th. The earl of" WarwickS the lord Trea-" surer, sir William Her-" bert, and the secretary" Petre, went to the bishop" of Winchester with cer-" tain Articles, signed by" me and the council, con-"
A, D. i5!;o. 4 Ed. VI.
(ii) Parish, in the dia- lect of a bishop^ is notori- ously known to be his dio- cese. Yet I deny not but that the numerous parish- ioners of St. Mary Overy's (whereinWinchester House) are herein particularly in- tended.
[John Dudley.]
E 4
56
The Church History
BOOK VII.
A. D. it^so. 4 Ed. VI.
' taining the confessing of"
liis fault, the supremacy," ' the establishing of holy" ' days, the abolishing of" ' six Articles, and divers" ' other ; — whereunto he" ' put his hand, saving to" ' the confession."
"July 10th. Sir William" ' Herbert and the secretary" ' Petre were sent unto him" ' to tell him I marvelled" ' that he would not put" ' his hand to the confes-" ' sion ; to whom he made" ' answer, ' That he would" ' not put his hand to the" ' confession, for because he" ' was innocent' (12)."
"July 11th. The bishop" ' of London, the secretary" * Petre, Mr. Cecil, and" ' Gooderich, were com-" ' manded to make certain" ' Articles'^, according to" ' the laws, and to put" ' [them] in the submis-" ' sion."
" July 12th. It was ap-" ' pointed that, under the" ' shadow of preparing for" ' the sea matters, there"
(12) If conscious of no crime, he is not to be con- demned for justifying his own integrity.
^ [These are also printed in Fox, II. 735-]
CENT. XVI,
of Britain.
57
should be sent 5000" pounds to the Protest-" ants, to get their good" will (13)."
" July 14th. The bishop" of Winchester did deny" the Articles that the" bishop of London and the" other had made (14)."
" July 19th. The bishop" of Winchester was se-" questered from his fruits" for three months (15)."
"July 28th. The lady" Mary, after long commu-" nication, was content to" come to Leis to the lord" chancellor, and then to" Hunsdon; but she utterly" denied to come to the" court or Oking at that" time (16)."
" Aug. 13th. The lord" chancellor ^ fell sore sick," with forty more of his" house (17) ; so that the" lady Mary came not tlii-" ther at that time."
" Nov. 19th. There were" letters sent to every" bishop to pluck down" the altars "\"
(13) Such umbrages ofA.D. 1550. simulation presumed lawful 4t^«i- VI- by all politicians. Qucere, whether the Protestants in
the Netherlands or France (those of High Germany being beyond the line of probability) were here in- tended.
(14) They were drawn up in so punctual expres- sions, the other had neither compass for evasion nor co- vert for equivocation.
(15) A rod formerly in fashion^ but never so soundly laid on as of late.
(16) She loved to deal with the king her brother eminus by letters, but in no- wise comminus by discourse. Besides, she hated coming to the court, suspecting some harsh usage to her person, and jealous of being put into restraint.
(17) Lees in Essex, a county generally not very healthful ; where agues sit as close, and sometimes last as long, as a new suit.
1 [Richard Rich.] removed was that of St. Paul's,
•*i [The first altar which was probably by the influence of
58
The Church History
BOOK VII,
A.D. i5:;o. 4 Ed. VI.
" Dec. 15. There was" " letters sent for the taking" " of certain chaplains (18)" " of the lady Mary, for" " saying mass ; which she" " denied ^."
(i8) Of these Francis Mallet (last master of Mi- chael House, in Cambridge) was the chief ". He, having leave from the council to officiate mass, only in the presence of the lady Mary, presumed on the same
Ridley, then bishop of London. " This year, (1550,)" says Stow, " St. Barnaby's day •' (June Ti) was kept holiday, " and the same day at night " the altar in Paul's church " was pulled down, and a table " set where the altar stood, " with a vayle drawn beneath, " and steps ; and on the Sun- " day next a communion was *' sung at the same table ,• and " shortly after all the altars " in London were taken down, " and tables placed in their *' rooms." p. 604. Heylyn, in his Hi.story of the Church, doubts the correctness of this statement, on the ground that Ridley was " the master of too " greata judgment torun before " authority in a business of " such weight and moment ; " and he had also a more high " esteem of the blessed sacra- " ment than by any such un- " advised and precipitate action " to render it less venerable in " the eves of the common *' people." p. 98. But this is sufficiently answered by the fact that sir J. Yates was sent down into Essex, on the 23rd of June this year, to see Rid- ley's injunctions respecting the plucking down of altars per- formed. See King Edward's Journal, 24. Burnet, IL 325.
Strype's IMem. H. 227. Both the bishop in his injunctions, and the council in their letter, state that " Whereas in divers " places some use the Lord's " board after the form of a " table, and some of an altar, " whereby dissension is per- " ceived to arise among the " unlearned ; therefore, wish- " ing a godly unity to be ob- " served, they required all al- " tars to be removed." It is clear, therefore, that altars had been removed from several churches prior to these injunc- tions, but by what authority is not easily discovered. Proba- bly these orders were further pressed on account of the dis- putes arising in various places, altars being placed in some churches, and tables in others. See the letters printed in Fox, IL 699. Wilkins' Concilia, \W 65. Cranmer's Works, IV. 377. Fox has also published another paper sent with these injunc- tions, containing the " Reasons " why the Lord's board should " rather be after the form of a " table than of an altar." These alterations did not pass, however, without giving great offence to many. See Strype's Mem. IL 227. Burnet, II.
327-]
n Sceletos Cant. MS.
CKNT. XVI.
()f Britain.
59
"1551. Feb. 16th. Whal-" " ley was examined for per-" " siiading divers nobles of" " the realm to make the" " duke of Somerset pro-"
liberty in her absence «. a. D. ii;i;o. Wherenpon he was, not- 4i^d-VI. withstanding his lady's re- fusal to surrender him, fetched from her by force, and committed to prison P.
o [What that liberty was, and upon what conditions it was granted, is thus explained in the letter of the privy coun- cil to the princess, dated Dec. 25, 1550 : " It is very true the " emperor made request to the " king's majesty, (19th April, " 1550,) that you might have " liberty to use the mass in " your house, and to be as it " were exempted from the dan- " ger of the statute : to which " request divers good reasons " were made, containing the " discommodity that should " follow the grant thereof, and " means devised rather to per- " suade you td obey and receive " the general and godly refor- " mation of the v/hole realm, " than by a private fancy to " prejudice a common order. '■' But yet, upon earnest desire " and entreaty made in tlie " emperor's name, thus much " was granted, that for his sake, " and your own also, it should " be suffered and winked at, if " you had the private mass " used in your own closet for " a season, until you might be " better informed, whereof " there was some hope, having " only with you a few of your •' own chamber, so that for all " the rest of your household " the service of the realm " should be used, and none " other. Further than this
" the promise exceeded not." This promise, as they proceed to shew, the ambassador endea- voured to have confirmed under the great seal, " and that not " being heard, to have it but " by a letter." This was de- nied likewise. " The most that " might herein be borne was, " that the king's majesty might, " upon hope of your grace's " reconciliation, suspend the " execution of his law." Fox, II. 705. Burnet, II. 353. Strype's Mem. II. 249.]
P [27th April, 1551. King Edward's Journal, 37.]
'1 [The allowing mass to be said in the house of this prin- cess was connived at in the early part of this reign, but never officially permitted, ( King Edward's Journal, 16, 31, 41;) and this was done, to use the king's own words, (ib. 34,) " in " hope of her reconciliation." See also his letter to the prin- cess, Fox, II. 703. But finding that the efi'ect desired had not been produced, the king and his council resolved that the mass should no longer be per- mitted in her house. For break- ing this order, *' and saying " mass before her household, " the princess being absent," Dr. Mallet was sent to the Tower, (ib. 37, 41.) See the letters which passed upon this occasion, in Fox, II. 701, sq.]
60 The Church History book vii.
A.D. 1550. " lector at the next par-"
'^'^•^^- " liament, and stood to the" (^9) Now were the seeds ,, -, .1,1 1 i» T» i. " sown, and the foundation
" denial, the earl of Kut- , . , ^ ,
laid, 01 the protector s over- " land affirming it mani-" ^^^^^^^^ ^^ich ensued not
"festly(19)." long after.
" Feb. 13th. The bishop" " of Winchester, after a" " long trial, was deposed" " of his bishopric."
It seems some legal formalities were pretended wanting in Gardiner his deprivation; for in my memory a suit was commenced to overthrow a long lease made by bishop Poinet (Gardiner's successor in Winchester'') on this point, that Gardiner still remained lawful bishop ; but nothing therein was effected. The con- 23. Comc we now to the saddest difference that noncon-° 6ver happened in the church of England, if we con- formity, gj^igj. gj^jjgj. ^jjQ ^jjjjg jjQ^ jQjjg j^ continued, the
eminent persons therein engaged, or the doleful effects thereby produced. It was about matters of conformity ^ Alas ! that men should have less wis- dom than locusts, which, when sent on God's errand, did not thrust one another^; whereas here such shoving and shouldering, and hoisting and heavings, and jostling and thronging, betwixt clergymen of the highest parts and places : for now nonconformity in the days of king Edward was conceived, which afterward in the reign of queen Mary (but beyond
^ [5 April, 155 1. See King Strype's Mem. II. 224, and
Edward's Journal, 35.] App. 118. Strype's Cr. 21 1.]
^ [On these dissensions, see ' Joel ii. 8. Burnet, II. 314, III. 331.
CENT. XVI.
of Britain.
61
sea, at Frankfort) was born; which in the reign ofA.D. 1550.
queen Elizabeth was nursed and weaned ; which
under king James grew up a young youth or tall stripling; but towards the end of king Charles his reign shot up to the full strength and stature of a man, able not only to cope with, but conquer, the hierarchy, its adversary.
24. Two opposite parties now plainly discovered The fa-
^ ^ ■*■ . . voxirers
themselves, driving on different interests under their and oppos-
ers thereof.
respective patrons. Founders of Conformity .
i. Such as remained here all the reign of king Henry the Eighth, and weathered out the tem- pest of his tyranny at open sea, partly by a politic compliance, and partly by a cautious con- cealment of themselves.
ii. These, in the days of king Edward the Sixth, were possessed of the best preferments in the land.
iii. And retained many
Founders of Noncon- formity.
i. Such as fled hence beyond the seas, chiefly into Germany, where, liv- ing in states and cities of popular reformation, they sucked in both the air and discipline of the place they lived in.
ii. These, returning late into England, were at a loss for means and main- tenance, only supported with the reputation of being confessors ; render- ing their patience to the praise, and their persons to the pity of all consci- entious people.
iii. And renounced all
62 The Church History book vii.
A. D. 1550. ceremonies practised in ceremonies practised by
'■ — ^the Romish church, con- the papists, conceiving
ceiving them to be an- that such ought not only cient and decent in them- to be clipped with the selves ". shears, but to be shaved
with a razor; yea, all the stumps thereof to be plucked out. iv. The authority of iv. John Rogers, lec- Cranmer and activity of turer in St. Paul's, and Ridley headed this party; vicar of St. Sepulchre's, the foraier being the with John Hooper, after- highest, the latter the wards bishop of Glouces- hottest in defence of ter, were ringleaders of conformity. this party.
This John Hooper was bred in Oxford, well skilled in Latin, Greek, and Hebrew, (a little of the last would go far in this age,) and afterwards travelled over into Switzerland ; yea, he seemed to some to have brought Switzerland back with him, in his harsh, rough, and unpleasant behaviour, being grave into rigour, and severe into surliness ^. Yet, to speak truth, all Hooper's ill-nature consisted in other men's little acquaintance with him. Such as visited him once, condemned him of over-austerity; who repaired to him twice, only suspected him of the same ; who conversed with him constantly, not only acquitted him of all morosity, but commended him for sweetness of manners ; which, saith my author,
" [Their arguments and II. 155.] those of their adversaries are ^ [See an instance of this in briefly summed up by Burnet, Fox, III. 146.]
CENT. XVI. of Britain. 63
Godwin in the Bishops of Gloucester >', endeared a. d. 1550.
him to the acquaintance of Bullinger. This Ilooj^er
was preferred to be bishop of Gloucester by the
special favour of his patron, John earl of Warwick,
afterward duke of Northumberland.
25. The M^orst was, when Hooper came to be Hooper re- fuse th to consecrated bishop of Gloucester^, he scrupled the wear the
wearing of certain episcopal ornaments, (rochet, bablt!^
chimere, square cap, &c.) producing a letter from
the earl of Warwick % (omniprevalent then at court,
in the declining of his corrival the duke of Somerset,)
that he might be favourably dispensed with therein,
according to the tenor ensuing, to archbishop
Cranmer ^.
" After my most hearty commendations to your " grace, these may be to desire the same, that in " such reasonable things wdierein this bearer, my " lord elect of Gloucester, craveth to be borne withal " at your hands, you would vouchsafe to shew him " your grace's favour, the rather at this my instance. " Which thing partly I have taken in hand by the *' king's majesty's own motion. The matter is " weighed by his highness, none other but that your " grace may facilely condescend unto. The prin- " cipal cause is, that you would not charge this said
y [P. 552.] vere will be seen by Peter Mar-
z [June, 1550.] tyr's letter addressed to him
a [Principally through the upon the use of garments, of
influence of his former master, \\'hich an abstract is given in
sir John Arundel, who was in Strype's Cran. 305. See also
great favour with the duke, his Mem. II. i, 352. The
Wood's Ath. I. 223.] archbishop's letter to Bucer
b I^Burnet's Hist. II. 386. for his judgment on this sub-
Strype's Cran. 302. That ject is printed in Cranmer 's
Hooper was unreasonably se- Works, I. 341-]
64 The Church History book vii.
A.D. 1550. « bearer with an oath burdenous to his conscience.
4 Ed. VI.
" And so for lack of time I commit your grace to
" the tuition of Almighty God.
" From Westminster, the 23rd of July, 1550.
" Your Grace's most assured loving Friend,
" J. Warwick <^."
What this oath was (because not expressed) is variously conjectured. Parsons, to render Hooper more odious, will have it the oath of supremacy ^ ; which, in my opinion, is improhable, it being utterly unlikely that the king would dispense with any from taking that oath, wherein his own dignity was so nearly concerned. I conceive it the oath of canonical obedience to the archbishop % which conse- quentially commanded such ceremonies, which Hooper was willing to decline ; for in the king's next letter, wrote thirteen days after to the same purpose, there is mention only of offensive rites and ceremonies, and of no oath at all, as coincident with the former and obligatory to such canonical observances. But see the letter :
[The King^s Letter or Grant for the Dispensation of John Hooper, elected Bishop of Gloucester; writ- ten to the Archbishop of Canterbury, and other Bishops.]
" Right reverend father, and right trusty and well-
c [From Fox, III. 147.] request. Burnet, vol. III. P. ii.
d [And such is bishop Bur- p. 268.]
net's opinion, II. 388, 389. e [guch was Burnet's earlier
See the oath of supremacy, as opinion, (which he seems to have
it was made when the bishops abandoned,) Ref. II. 318 ; and
did homage in king Henry the Strype's; Cranmer, 302. The
Eighth's time, with such alter- form of the oath is in Wilkins,
ations as were introduced by IV. 67.] Edward the Sixth at Hooper's
CENT. XVI. of Britain. 65
beloved, we greet you well. Whereas we, by thcA. d. 1550.
advice of our councel, liave called and chosen 1 '. L
our right well -beloved and well-worthy M. John Hooper, professor of divinity, to be our bishop of Glocester, as well for his great knowledge, deep judgment, and long study, both in the scriptures and other profane learning ; as also for his good discretion, ready utterance, and honest life for that kinde of vocation, [to the intent all our loving- subjects, which are his said charge, and elsewhere, might by his sound and true doctrine learn the better their duty towards God, their obedience towards us, and love towards their neighbours :] from consecrating of M'hom we understand you doe stay, because he would have you omit and let passe certain rites and ceremonies offensive to his conscience, whereby ye thinke ye should fall in prcBmwiire of laws; we have thought good, by the advise aforesaid, to dispense and discharge you of all manner of dangers, penalties, and forfeitures you should run and be in any manner of way, by omitting any of the same. And these our letters shall be your sufficient warrant and discharge therefore.
" Given under our signet, at our castle of Wind- *' sor, the 5. of August, the 4. year of our reign.
" Ed. Somerset. W. Paget.
" W. Wiltshire. An. Wingfield.
" W. North. N. Wotton *"."
All would not do. Resolute Ridley stood stiffly f [From Fox, III. 146.]
FULLER, VOL. IV. P
66
The Church History
BOOK VII.
^•^•^'!5o- to his tackling; and here was old bandying of the
business betwixt them, and arguments urged on
both sides ^.
Pro.
i. The ornaments were indifferent of themselves, and of ancient use in the church.
ii. Being enjoined by lawful authority, they be- came necessary, not to salvation, but to church unity ; and it was scan- dalous to decline them.
iii. It would bring the papist over to our church, beholding all things by them used not totally abolished by a spirit of contradiction, but some decent correspondencies still moderately conti- nued.
iv. It would cast a slur on the credit of such bishops who formerly had
Con.
i. The best thing that could be said of them was, that they were use- less, being otherwise ridi- culous and superstitious.
ii. Cursed he he that removes the boundmarks. Grant them indifferent in themselves, and left so by divine wisdom, it was presumption in man to stamp necessity upon them.
iii. Too much of the serpent, nothing of the dove herein, to offend those within, to invite those without to the church ; driving Protest- ants thence, to draw pa- pists thither.
iv. The credits of some good men were not to be preserved by destroy-
S [See his arguments in Burnet, II. 389, and in Strype's Cr. P- 305-]
CENT. XVI.
of Britain.
07
used those ornaments, as more remiss in religion than such as refused them.
V. Those that have stubborn wills pretend too often to tender con- sciences ; nor ought a private person to be in- dulged with the disturb- ance of the public uni- formity of the church.
ing the consciences ofA. D.1550. others. — '- — '-
V. Hooper put himself upon the trial of the Searcher of hearts, that no obstinacy, but mere conscience, made him re- fuse those ornaments.
In a word, all those arguments which later ages have more amply enlarged, more clearly explained, more cunningly improved, more violently enforced, were then and there first solidly propounded and solemnly set down on both sides ; posterity in this matter having discovered no new mine, but only refined what formerly was found out in this con- troversy.
26. At last the great earl of Warwick deserted But is his chaplain in open field, to shift for himself. In-iast. deed he had higher things in his head than to attend such trifles ; not so much to procure a mitre for his chaplain as a crown for himself, even then secretly laying a design to derive the sceptre into his own family ; yea, Hooper was sent to prison •\ and kept some days in durance S till at last he condescended
^ [27th Jan. 155 I. Strype's Cran. 215.]
* His imprisonment not men- tioned in Mr. Fox, but in the Troubles of Frankfort, 42.
[The following is the passage alluded to : " This man being " made bishop by king Edward, " there was obtruded by other " bishops of the same order,
F 2
68 The Church History book vii,
A.D. isj;o.to conform himself in his habit to the rest of his 1-— brethren, and so was consecrated bishop of Glou- cester. Defended 27. But that wliicli most opens the mouths of Worcester papists and other adversaries against Hooper is, tncommen. \^qq2^^^q he, wlio scrupled the poor bishopric of Gloucester, afterward held the wealthy bishopric of Worcester in commeyidam with it ^. We read of a wedge of gold^ ; and little wedges, say they, widen men's consciences for the receiving of greater ; yea, thus the haters of marriage fii-st become guilty of bigamy. But let such know, first, that the dioceses of Gloucester and Worcester lie both contiguous together ; secondly, many single bishoprics in Eng- land are larger than both, for extent in land and number of parishes ; thirdly, no worse a man than St. Dunstan himself had the bishopric of Worcester and London with it, at the same time, being far more distant and remote ; fourthly, it is not the having of two bishoprics together, but the neglecting of one is the sin : whereas Hooper, in preaching and
" according to this Book [of the words of the dissenting
" Common Prayer], a rochet congregation at Frankfort, in
" and a bishop's robe. This their supplication to the se-
" man being well learned and nate.]
" a long time nourished and ^ [loth May, 1552. King
" brought up in Germany, as Edward's Journal, 76. See Ant.
"soon as he refused these Wood, II. 758. Burnet, II. 41 8.
'* proud things that fools mar- Strype's IMem. II. 354-5. Hoo-
" vel at, he was cast into pri- per was imprisoned for de-
" son ; and at length, by their claiming in the pulpit against
" importunity overcome, and the habits, and for direct dis-
" relenting, he was compelled, obedience to the orders of the
" to his shame, to give place to privy council. See Strype's Cr.
" their impudency with the 308.]
" common grief and sorrow of ' Jos. vii. 21. " all godly minds." These are
CENT. XVI. of Britain. 69
visiting, afforded double diligence in his double a. d. 15S0.
J. 4 Ed. VI.
diocese. —
28. The mention of Hooper his holding of theWhyLati- bishopric of Worcester in commendam minds me of not restored a difficulty which, though I cannot answer, I must^|',„yrico"f not omit. It is this : seeing that Latimer was outed ^^'"'■'^^^''"■• of that bishopric in the days of king Henry the Eighth, on the account of the Six Articles ™, why was he not restored to the same under king Edward the Sixth ? especially seeing Nicholas Heath, his successor, was legally deprived, and the place actu- ally void ; whereas, on the contrary, Hugh Latimer continued Hugh Latimer, without any addition of preferment. Here first we must largely trade in negatives : it was not for any want of favour from the king, seeing he stood rectus in curia in relation to his majesty ; nor was it because his downright sermons disobliged the courtiers. Avho generally de- light in soft preaching as in soft clothing " ; nor was it out of sullenness, because he would not be bedded again with that wife which, though unwillingly, had in his absence embraced another ; nor have we any cause to suspect Latimer of Hooper's opinion, as distasting ceremonies, and so obstructing his advance- ment. But we imjjute it either to his conscience, (ofttimes sharpest in the bluntest men,) because he w^ould not be built on the ruins of another, espe- cially knowing Heath one of a meek and moderate nature; or to his age, who, Barzillai-like ^ was superannuated for earthly honour (alas ! what needed a square cap over the many nightcaps which
m [Stow, 595.] •' Matt. xi. 8. o 2 Sam. xix. 35.
f3
70 The Church History book vii.
y\.B. 1550. age had multiplied on his reverend head?); or — — — '- because he found himself not so fit for government, better for preaching than ordering ecclesiastical affairs; or, lastly, because he prophetically foresaw that the ingratitude of the English nation would shorten their happiness and king Edward's life, and he was loath to come into a place only to go out thereof. Sure I am it was a loud lie which Parsons tells, that Latimer was kept bare p, who kept him- self bare, living not in the want, but neglect, yea, contempt of all worldly Avealth. He was confessor- general to all Protestants troubled in mind ; yea, he was the Corban or treasury, into which restored ill- gotten goods were cast, to be bestowed on the poor according to his discretion ; and Latimer, by the courtesy of England, (once a bishop and ever a bishop,) was in civility saluted lord, and honoured by all good people that knew him. This I conceive the true cause why Hooper would not be translated to Worcester, but held it in commendam with Glou- cester, because Latimer and Heath were both sur- viving, each accounted a lawful bishop by those of their own religion. Hooper and 29- But wlicn Hooper, unwillingly willing, wore conciieti by those episcopal ornaments, he put on with them a afflictions. gj.ga^ grudge against Ridley, who enforced him thereunto ; yea, when those his clothes may be
P [Three Conversions, vol.11, diminished, if we naay judge
p. 306. It is probable that La- from his frequent preaching
timer was unwilling to return before the king. " He was
to his bishopric ; for the house " kept by Cranmer at Lambeth,
of commons moved that he " where he spent the rest of
should be restored. But though "his days till he was impri-
no longer a bishop, his inHu- " soned, in queen Mary's
ence appears to have been un- '* time." Burnet, IL 51, 195.]
CENT. XVI. of Britain. 71
presumed half worn out, his anger was new and a. d. 1550. fresh as at the beginning ; nor were they fully recon- - — '. — '- ciled till their death, in the days of queen Mary : high time then to period their passion, before the sun (of their life) ivent down in their wrath. Strange that their heart-burnings could not be quenched till the fire w^as kindled which was to burn both their bodies. But it matters not what is the cause, if amendment be the effect. The Jesuit challengeth the credit of this reconciliation to the catholics, bragging that they made them friends 'i ; but we know their cruel intention was not to make friends, but ashes of them. Let the thanks be paid to that Divine Power and Providence which sanctified their sufferings into an agreement, besides, beyond, above, against the design and desire of those which inflicted them. Thus, when froward children fall out and fight, a good parent and a good rod do quickly make them friends. See the letters at large in master Fox'', which passed betwixt them in prison ; wherein, as Hooper had the honour first to offer agreement, let Ridley receive his praise that he did fast embrace it s ; for as the second blow makes the fray, so it is not the tender but acceptance of peace makes the reconciliation. As for their observation, that of all the Marian-martyrs Hooper and Ridley suffered with most torture, and impute this to a divine punish- ment, justly inflicted on them for this their dissen-
1 Parsons, ut supra, pag. ence from Ridley's letter to
316. Hooper, in Fox, III. 148 ; but
«■ [Fox, III. 147.] until we possess the other
s [I am uncertain upon what letters this cannot be deter-
authority this is stated by Ful- mined.]
ler, except he draws this iufer-
F 4
72 ' The Church History book vii.
A.D. I5SO. sion, there is somewhat of curiosity in the observa-
'■ — Ition, and nothing of charity in the application.
Three sorts 30. We Hiust not foro'et that this earnest contest
of noncon-
foimists. was not about the calling, but clothes ; not the vocation, but only about the vestments of bishops. Whereupon the judicious reader will distinguish three ranks, or, if the word be better liked, three classes of nonconformists, according to their several dates and designs :
i. Ancient nonconformists, here in king Edw^ard's days, who desired only to shake down the leaves of episcopacy, misliking only some garments about them.
ii. Middle nonconformists, in the end of queen Elizabeth and beginning of king James, who struck at the branches thereof, chancellors and officials, and other appendant limbs, which they endeavoured to remove.
iii. IModern nonconformists, who did lay the aoce to the root of the tree, to cut down the function itself as unlawful and Antichristian.
Thus after-ages still made new additions, as if it would be accounted idleness in them if the strong and active legs of the sons and nephew^s should not go faster and further than the old and feeble feet of their fathers and grandfathers. The Psalms 31. About this time David's Psalms were trans- intrmetre. latcd iuto English metre, and, if not publicly com- manded, generally permitted to be sung in all churches. The work was performed by Thomas Sternhold ^ (an Hampshire man, esquire, and of the
t [Bale, De Script., Cent, rett, that Sternhold composed IX. §. 79. It is probable that several of them at first merely vStrype's opinion is more cor- for his own solace ; " for he
CENT. XVI. of Britain. 73
privy chamber to king Edward the Sixth, who for a. D.i^.co. his part translated thirty-seven selected psalms,) -^^^^-^ — '-
John Hopkins, Robert Wisedome, &c., men whose piety was better than their poetry ; and they had drank more of Jordan than of Helicon. These psalms were therefore translated to make them more portable in people's memories, (verses being twice as light as the selfsame bulk in prose,) as also to raise men's affections, the better to enable them to prac- tise the apostle's precept, Is any merry? let Mm sing psalms ". Yet this work met afterwards with some frowns in the faces of great clergymen, who were rather contented than well pleased with the singing of them in churches ; I will not say because they misliked so much liberty should be allowed the laity (Rome only can be guilty of so great envy) as to sing in churches ; rather because they con- ceived these singing-psalms erected in corrivality and opposition to the reading psalms which were formerly sung in cathedral churches ; or else the child was disliked for the mother's sake, because such translators, though branched hither, had their root in Geneva.
32. Since, later men have vented their just ex- The mean.
Till PI 1 '^^^** °^ ^^^
ceptions agamst the baldness of the translation ; so translation
" set and sung them to his " completely finished in verse,
" organ, which music king Ed- " (done, it seems, by Hopkins
" ward VI. sometimes hearing, " and certain other exiles in
" (for he was a gentleman of " queen Mary's reign,) this
" the privy chamber,) was much "clause in the aforesaid Act
" delighted with them, which •' [of Uniformity] gave them
" occasioned his publication " their authority for their pub-
" and dedication of them to " lie use in the church." Mem.
" the said king. After, when II. 86.]
" the whole Book of Psalms, ^ James v. 13. " with some other hymns, were
74 The Church History book vii.
A D. 1 550. that sometimes they make the Maker of the tongue
— — '- L to speak little better than barbarism, and have in
voured to m^ny verses such poor rhyme that two hammers on be excused, j^ smith's auvil woulcl make better music ; whilst others, rather to excuse it than defend it, do plead that English poetry was then in the nonage, not to say infancy thereof; and that, match these verses for their age, they shall go abreast with the best poems of those times. Some, in favour of the trans- lators, allege that to be curious therein and over- descanting with wit had not become the plain song and simplicity of an holy style. But these must know there is great difference between painting a face and not washing it. IVIany since have far refined these translations, but yet their labours therein never generally received in the church, prin- cipally because un-book-learned people have conned by heart many psalms of the old translation, which would be wholly disinherited of their patrimony if a new edition were set forth. However, it is desired and expected by moderate men that, though the fabric stand unremoved for the main, yet some bad contrivance therein may be mended, and the bald rhymes in some places get a new nap, which would not much discompose the memory of the people. The first 33. Qn the twenty-fourth of July, king Edward,
legal erec- , , . , * r. x i v x
tion of tiie by liis letters patent, at the request oi J ohn a Lasco,
gregation ' fi'^e barou of Lasco in Poland, did, by the consent
in London. ^^ j^j^ couucil, give and grant the whole church of
St. Augustine's ^, near Broad Street in London, (the
^ [Burnet, II. 318. Strype's "have the Austin Friars for
Mem. II. 241. " June 29th, " their churcli, to have their
" [^55°'] ^t ^^'^s appointed " service in, for avoiding all
"that the Germans should " sect of Anabaptists and such
CENT. XVI. (yf Britain. 75
clioir excepted, formerly possessed by marquis Pau-A.D. is.tio. let,) mito the superintendent and ministers of the "^ — '- Dutch church, and other strangers in London, to have and to hold for them, their heirs and successors, in frank-aim onage, to be a meeting-place for them, therein to attend God's word and sacraments. He ordered, also, that hereafter it should be called by the new name of " the Church of the Lord Jesus ;" and incorporated the said superintendent, ministers, and congregation to be a body politic, for all pur- poses and intents; empowering them from time to time, in the vacancy of a superintendent, to choose, name, and substitute any able and fit person in that place : provided that the person so chosen be first presented to the king, his heirs and successors, to be approved and confirmed by them in the office of the ministry, enjoining all archbishops, bishops, and other officers, quod permittnnt prcsfatis supcrinten- dentiy, ct ministris, et successoribus suis, libere et quiete friii, gaudere, uti et ewercere ritus, et ccEremonias suas proprias, et disci'plinam ecclesiasticam propriam et pecidiarem, non obstante quod non conveniant cum ritibus et cceremoniis in regno nostro usitatis : " That " they permit the foresaid superintendent and minis- " ters, and their successors, freely and quietly to " hold, enjoy, use, and exercise their own proper " rites and ceremonies, and their proper and peculiar " churcli-discij)line, notwithstanding that they agree
" like." King Edward's Jour- " narratio de instituta ac de-
nal, 24.] " mum dissipata Belgarum Ec-
y The letters are kept in the " clesia/'&c] p. 13, &c. [These
Dutch church, and exemplified letters are printed in full from
in Johannes Utenhovius, in his the patent rolls, 4 Edw. VI., in
narration of the Dutch Congre- Burnet, II. ii. 288. Wilkin^;,
gation, [" Simplex et fidelis IV. 64.]
76
The Church History
BOOK VII,
A. D. 1550. " not with the rites and ceremonies used in our
4 Ed. VI. i£ 1 • i 11
" kingdom.
Women's 34. Now foUowed the fatal tragedy of the duke
brawls, c r< i • 1 1 • i
men's of Somersct ; and we must recoil a little, to fetch forward the cause thereof^. Thomas Seymour, baron
z [Fox, II. 748. Burnet, II. no, 203, and II. ii. 5. Strype's filem. II. 123. [On this passage Burnet remarks, though without naming our author, " It is generally said " that ail this diiFerence be- " tween the brothers was begun " by their wives, and that the " protector's lady, being offend- " ed that the younger brother's " wife had the precedence of " her, Avhich she thought be- '• longed to herself, did there- " upon raise and inflame the " differences. But in all the " letters that I have seen con- " cerning this breach, I could " never find any such thing "once mentioned; nor is it " reasonable to imagine that " the duchess of Somerset " should be so foolish as to " think that she ought to have " the precedence of the queen " dowager ; therefore I look " upon this story as a mere " fiction ; though it is probable " enough there might, upon '* some other accounts, have " been some animosities be- " tween the two high-spirited " ladies, which might have " afterwards been thought to " have occasioned their hus- " bands' quarrel." II. 11 2. Fox, whom the other chroniclers fol- low, says merely, " It happened, " upon what occasion I know " not, that there fell a displea-
" sure betwixt the said queen " and the duchess of Somerset, " and thereupon also, in behalf " of their Avives, displeasure " and grudge began between " the brethren." II. 748. That Katherine had some very sharp Avords with Somerset Ave learn from her letters to her husband, in Haynes' State Papers, 61, 62, though the duke's hostility may have arisen merely from chagrin at the ambition and success of his brother. It is not impossible, hoAvever, that as the duke had the year before procured a patent under the great seal, by Avhich " he Avas " Avarranted to sit in parlia- " ment on the right hand of " the throne, and Avas to have " all the honours and privileges " that at any time any of the " uncles of the kings of Eng- " land, Avhether by the father's " or the mother's side, had en- " joyed, Avith a non obstante " to the statute of preced- " ence," (Burnet, II. 81,) that his duchess might suppose that in right of her husband she might be allowed to take precedence of the queen dowager. And this is ren- dered more probable from the confession of Wightman, ser- vant to the admiral, Avho, re- lating a conversation betAveen himself and Nicholas Throck- morton, on occasion of the
CENT. XVI. of Britain. 77
of Sudely, and lord admiral, the protector's younger a. d. i.c;5o.
brother, had married the lady Katharine Parr, the '. — -
relict of king Henry the Eighth. A contest arose betwixt their wives about place, the protectress, as I may call her, refusing to give it to the king's dowager; yet was their precedency no measuring cast, but clear in the view of any unpartial eye ; nor needed other herald to decide the controversy than the king's own injunctions, wherein, after prayer for his own royal person ^, ministers Avere commanded to pray for the queen-dowager even before the king's sisters, Mary and Elizabeth ; the protector (under whom his lady must claim place) being placed last in the list of their devotions.
35. The women's discords derived themselves into Lord Tho- tlieir husbands' hearts ; whereupon, not long after, mom- eke- followed the death of the lord Thomas Seymour, JI.'^^^'J^'" arraigned for designing to translate the crown to himself, though having neither title to pretend unto
death of queen Katherine, has sension, however, between the
this passage : " 'I promise you,' two brothers, whatever was the
" said he [Throckmorton], ' if primary cause of it, was care-
" my lord be either wise or fully fostered by designing
" politic, he will become a new hands ; for Elizabeth, in a let-
" manner of man, both in heart ter to her sister, says, " In late
" and service ; for he must " days I heard my lord of
" remember that if ever any " Somerset say, that if his bro-
" grudge were borne towards " ther had been suffered to
" him by my lady of Somerset, " speak with him, he had never
" it was, as most men guess, " suffered; but the persuasions
" for the queen's cause, who " were made to him so great,
" now being taken away by " that he was brought in belief
" death, it will undoubtedly " that he could not live safely
" follow, unless the fault be in " if the admiral lived; and that
" himself, that she will bear " made him give his consent
" him as good heart as ever " to his death." Ellis, second
" she did in her life.' " Haynes' series, II. 257.]
State Papers, 69. This dis- ^ Vide supra, p. 605.
78 The Church History book vn.
A. D. 1550.it, nor effectual interest to achieve the same ^. Let '^^^■^^- Adonijah *^ and this lord's example deter subjects from meddling with the widows of their sovereigns, lest in the same match they espouse their own danger and destruction. This lord thus cut off, the protector stood alone on his own bottom, at which his enemies daily endeavoured to undermine [him].
A tripar- 36. Soou after, the lords of the council resolved
tion, to accuse him of many high offences ^. Of these
lords, some were lawyers, as the lord Wriothesley lately ; the lord Rich, then lord chancellor ; sir Edward Montague, chief justice, &c. : some mar- tialists, as sir Ralph Sadler, treasurer to the army: and some mere statesmen, as William Paulet, lord treasurer: and their accusations participated of the several conditions of the accusers. The lawyers charo^e him for brino-ino- Westminster Hall into Somerset House, keeping there a court of request, and therein determining titles of land, to the appa- rent injury of the subject. Military men taxed him for his sumptuous buildings, having their mortar tempered with the tears of soldiers' wives and chil- dren, whose wages he detained ; and for betraying Boulogne and other places in France to the enemy. Statesmen chiefly insisted on his engrossing all power to himself; that whereas, by the constitution of the protectorship, he was to act nothing without the advice of king Henry's executors, he solely trans- acted matters of the highest consequence without their privity.
Earl of 37. Here I must set John Dudley, earl of War-
Warwick
b [20th March^ 1549- See ^ [Stow, 597 — 601. Fox, Stow, 596.] 11.748. Burnet, II. 276. Strype's
c 1 Kings ii. Mem. II. i8[.]
CENT. XVI. of' Britain. 79
wick, (as a transcendant,) in a form by himself, being a. d. 1550. a competent lawyer, (son to a judge,) known soldier, — — '- — '- and able statesman, and acting against the protector JJJ^\p™*q,J to all these his capacities. Indeed he was the very^"^°^y- soul of the accusation, being all in all, and all in every part thereof; and seeing the protector was free-spirited, open-hearted, humble, hard to distrust, easy to forgive ; the other proud, subtle, close, cruel, and revengeful : it was impar congressus betwixt them, almost with as much disadvantage as betwixt a naked and an armed person ^.
38. Hereupon he was imprisoned at AVindsor, inTheprotec- a place anciently called Beauchamp's Tower ^, it and impri- seems by a sad prolepsis, but never verified till now, 'es^oredr'' when this viscount Beauchamp (by his original honour) was therein confined, and hence was he removed to the Tower of London. However, although all this happened in the worst juncture of time, viz. in the disjuncture of his best friend (the lord Russell,
^ [These articles are printed " and merciful dealing with
in Burnet, II. ii. 269, in Ho- " me, that it pleased your
linshed,io59, andinStow, 601, "goodness to bring my case
where will be found also, at full " to a fine. Although the fine
length, Somerset's acknowledg- '• be to me importable, yet I
ment and submission, which he " do commit myself wholly to
made upon the 23rdof Decem- " his highness' and your lord-
ber. He was not, however, " ships' mercies. I pray only
released till the 6th of Febru- " the moderation of it." He
ary following, after a second was again committed to the
submission, which he made on Tower on the i6th of Oct.
the 2nd of that month. In 1551, and brought thence to
that paper he says^ " I am most his trial in Westminster Hall
" fearful and full of heaviness, on the ist of December ; lord
" my very good lords, to un- William Paulet, marquis of
" derstand that my last letters Winchester and lord high trea-
" were no better accepted at surer of England, sitting that
" your lordships' hands, to day under the cloth of estate
" whom I am bound during as high steward of England.] '' my life for your most gentle ^ Fox, II. 752.
80 The Church History book vii.
-^•^•155 1 -privy seal,) then away in the west, yet by his own
-^ innocence, his other friends' endeavour, tlie king's
interposing, and Divine Providence, he was acquit- ted, and, though outed his protectorship, restored and continued privy counsellor, as in the king's diary was formerly observed s. Accused 39. But after two years and two months his
the second . /> i 1 i • i • i
time. enemies began afresh to assault him, hoping that as the first stroke shaked, the next would fell him to the ground ^. Indeed Warwick, who had too power- ful an influence upon all the lords, could not erect his intended fabric of sovereignty except he first cleared the groundwork from all obstructive rubbish, whereof this duke of Somerset was the principal ; in whose absence the lords met at the council-table, where it was contrived how all things should be ordered in relation to his arraignment.
Lord Rich 40. Ricliard Rich, lord chancellor, (then living in
his scr-
vant's dan- Great St. Bartholomew's,) though outwardly concur- t^a^* '"'^' ring with the rest, began now secretly to favour the duke of Somerset, and sent him a letter, therein ac- quainting him with all passages at the council-board, suj^erscribing the same (either out of haste or fami- liarity) with no other direction save " To the Duke ;" enjoining his servant (a raw attendant, as newly entered into the family) safely to deliver it '. The
g [Strype's Mem. II. 292,] Edward has made the following ^ [Burnet, II. 366. Strype's entry in his Journal, at Dec. Mem. II. 281, 306.] 21 : " Richard lord Rich, chan- > This story attested to me " cellor of England, consider- by his great grandchild, the " ing his sickness, did deliver earl of Warwick. [If Fuller's " his seal to the lord treasurer, anecdote respecting lord Rich " [William Paulet, marquis of be correct, it is probable that " Winchester,] the lord great he feigned sickness as a motive " master, [William lord St. for delivering the seal; for king "John,] and the lord cham-
CENT. XVI. of Britmn. 81
man made more haste than good speed; and his a. 0.15,=; i. lord, wondering at his quick return, demanded of-l_l_ him where the duke was when he delivered him the letter. " In Charter House," said his servant, " on " the same token that he read it at the window and " smiled thereat." But the lord Rich smiled not at this relation, as sadly sensible of the mistake and delivery of the letter to the duke of Norfolk '^, no great friend of his, and an utter enemy to the duke of Somerset.
41. Wonder not if this lord rose early up the The lord next morning, who may be presumed not to have signeth his slept all night. He hieth to the court, and having j'tT^^"'"' gotten admittance into the bedchamber before the king was risen up, fell down on his knees, and desired that his old age might be eased of his bur- thensome office; pleading that there ought to be some preparatory interval in statesmen betwixt their
" berlain, [Thomas Dudley, " should be done, but only to
"duke of Northumberland,] " seal ordinary things." lb. 67.
" sent to him for that purpose Goodrich was preferred to this
" during the time of his sick- place probably by the interest
" ness, and chiefly of the par- of the duke of Northumber-
" liament." p. 63. Sir Thomas land, and on account of his
Hayward insinuates the same enmity to Somerset. Besides,
in his Life of Edward VI., p. Northumberland and Goodrich
331; at which assertion Strype were both papists ; the former
is somewhat indignant. Mem. confessing as much at his exe-
II. 291. The king further notes cution, the latter complying in
in his Journal: " 22nd [Dec. queen Mary's reign. For his
" ^55']- T^i6 great seal of character, see Burnet, II. 376.
"England delivered to the Strype, however, speaks of him
" bishop of Ely, to be keeper more favourably. Mem. II,
" thereof during the lord Rich's 293.]
" sickness." p. 64. And again: ^ [Thomas Howard. See
"Jan. 19, [1552]. The bishop the letters between the protec-
" of Ely cw*/o* «g?7/z was made tor and this lord, in Fox, II.
" chancellor, because as custos 749. He does not appear to
" sigilli he could execute no- have been any very great friend
" thing in the parliament that to the duke.]
FULLER, VOL. IV. G
82 Th€ Church History book vii.
A.D. 1551. temporal business and their death; in order to which ■^ — '■ — ^he desired to retire into Essex, there to attend his own devotions ; nor would he rise from the ground till the king had granted his request. And thus he saved himself from being stripped by others, by first putting off his own clothes, who otherwise had lost his chancellor's place for revealing the secrets of the council-board. Some days after, the seal was solemnly fetched from him, and conferred on doctor Goodrich, bishop of Ely '. The duke 42. The impeachment of the duke went on never-
of Somerset
impeached tlieless, aud two uets wero laid to catch him, that if Dec^T*'"^ one brake, the other might hold. He was indicted of treason and felony : the former was only to give the report, the latter to discharge the bullet. So great a peer could not be accused of less than high treason, that the offence might appear proportionable to the offender. However, he was acquitted of treason ; whereat the people in Westminster Hall gave such a shout, that though the same was inter- cepted and circumscribed by the house, it is reported to be heard as far as Long Acre '". Sad silence. 43. But this souud was seconded with a sad silence when he was condemned for felony, by a new-made statute, for plotting the death of a privy counsellor, namely, the earl of Warwick ". Here a
1 [2[st Dec. 1551. Stow's Norfolk and his son, others for
Chron. 607.] his want of natural affection
I"! Stow's Chron. 606. in the proceedings against his
a [Burnet, mentioning the brother, observes further that
different opinions of people some also " blamed him for
upon the death of the duke, " being too apt to convert
how that some looked upon " things sacred to his own use,
his fall as a retribution and a " and because a great part of
just judgment upon him for *' his estate was raised out of
devising the fall of the duke of " the spoils of many churches;
CENT. XVI.
()f Britain.
strange oversight was committed, that he craved notA.D. 1551. the benefit of the clergy, which could not legally be^ — '■ — '- denied him ; on the granting whereof the ensuing punishment had certainly been remitted ; and not long after he was beheaded on Tower Hill, with no less praise for his piety and patience than pity and grief of the beholders °.
44. Posterity is much unsatisfied in the justness a quaere of his suffering, and generally do believe that he Ht'v!'''**^"
'* and some late writers have "■ made an inference upon this, " upon his not claiming the "^ benefit of clergy, that he was " thus left of God not to plead " that benefit, since he had so " much invaded the rights and " services of the church. But " in this they shewed their ig- "■ norance ; for, by the statute, " that felon v of which he was " found guilty was not to be " purged by clergy." Ref. II.
384.]
How great a favourite he was with the people may be seen from their conduct at his trial and execution, and the unusual preparations made by the lords of the council to pre- vent the populace from rescuing him. Fox, II. 753. Stow, 606. On the day of his trial, ist Dec. 1 55 I, when the verdict was given against him for the charge of felony, " the people in the hall " supposed he had been clearly " quit when they saw the axe " of the Tower put down, [and] " made such a shriek, casting " up of caps, &c., that their " cry was heard to the Long " Acre beyond Charing Cross, " which made the lords asto-
"' nied. About five of the " clock at night the said duke " landed at the Crane in the " Vintry, and so was had " through Candlewick Street " to the Tower." There he lay until the 22nd of January following. Fox has given an account of his execution, sent him " by a certain noble per- " sonage who not only was " there present at the deed " doing, but also in a manner " next unto him [the duke] " upon the scaifold." II. 753. Stow was also there, and has given a better account than the other of the sudden con- sternation which fell upon the people attending the duke's execution.
Burnet has been more fa- vourable to the duke than most of our historians, excepting Fox, and is inclined to think " that all this pretended con- " spiracy, upon which he was '' condemned, was only a for- " gery." II. 383. The evi- dence for both sides of the question is summed up in a masterly way by Collier, Eccl. Hist. II. 31.3— 3 '6.]
o [22nd Jan. 1552.]
G 2
84 The Church History book vii.
A.D. 155 1, himself was the sheep who was here condemned for
5 Ed. VI.
the slaughter. A good author tells us that " he lost
" his life for a small crime, and that upon a nice " point, subtilely devised and packed by his enemies p." And yet that the good king himself was possessed of his guilt may appear by his ensuing letter *i, written with his own hand to a dear servant of his, as fol- loweth :
" To our well-beloved servant Barnaby Fitzpatrick, " one of the gentlemen of our chamber.
" Edward. " Little hath been done since you went but the " duke of Somerset's arraignment for felonious trea- " son, and the musters of the new-erected gen- " darmery. The duke, the first of this monetli, Avas " brought to Westminster Hall, where sate as judge " or high steward my lord treasurer'', twenty-six lords " of the parliament went on his triall. Indictments " were read, which were severall, some for treason, " some for trayterous felony. The lawyers read how " sir Thomas Palmer had confessed that the duke " once minded and made him privy to raise the " north ; after to call the duke of Northumberland ^ " the marquis of Northampton *, and the earle of " Pembroke " to a feast, and so to have slain them. " And to doe this thing (as it w^as to be thought) " had levied men a hundred at his house at London, " which was scanned to be treason, because unlaw-
P Camd. Brit, in Somerset- chaster.]
shire, [p. 175]. s [John Dudley, earl of
^ Transcribed out of the Warwick.]
original. t [William Parr.]
"■ Paulet, marquis of Win- " [William Herbert.]
CENT. XVI. of Bi'itnin: 85
"full assemblies for such purposes was treason by a. d. 1551. " an act made the last sessions. Also how the duke ^ " '- " of Somerset minded to stay the horses of the " gendarmery, and to raise London. Crane confessed " also the murdering of the lords in a banquet. Sir " Miles Partrido-e^ also confessed the raisino- of
o o
" London ; Hamman y his man having a watch at " Greenwich of twenty weaponed men, to resist if " he had been arrested ; and this confessed both " Partridge and Palmer. He answered, that when " he levied men at his house he meant no such " thing, but onely to defend himself The rest [he] " very barely answered. After debating the matter " from nine of the clock till three, the lords went " together, and there weighing that the matter " seemed only to touch their lives, although after- " ward more inconvenience might have followed, " and that men might think they did it of malice, " acquitted him of high treason, and condemned him " of felony, which he seemed to have confessed. " He, hearing the judgment, fell down on his knees, " and thanked them for his open triall. After, he " asked pardon of the duke of Northumberland, " the marquis, &c., whom he confessed he meant " to destroy, although before he swore vehemently " to the contrary. Thus fare you well.
" From Westminster, the 20th of December, anno " Domini 1551."
Hereby it plainly appeareth that the king was
X [A man of infamous clia- nal, 60, 61. Palmer was after-
racter. See Strype's Mem. II. wards executed for treason.
^^5.] Strype's Cran. 315.]
y [Hammond, in the Jour-
G 3
86
The Church History
BOOK VII.
Mie duke's character.
A. D. I. «;5 2. possessed with a persuasion of his uncle's guiltiness;
whether or no so in truth, God knoweth, and gene- rally men believe him abused herein ; and it seemeth a wonder to me, that six weeks (from December the 1st to January the 22nd) interceding betwixt the duke's condemnation and execution, no means were made during that time to the king for his pardon. But it is plain that his foes had stopped all access of his friends unto the king ^.
45. The duke of Somerset was religious himself, a lover of all such as were so, and a great promoter of reformation; valiant, fortunate, (witness his vic- tory in Musselborough field, when the Scots filled many carts with emptiness, and loaded them with what was lighter than vanity itself — popish images and other trinkets, wherein they placed the confi- dence of their conquest,) he was generally beloved of martial men ; yet no marvel if some did grumble against him, seeing there is no army, save that of the church triumphant, wherein the soldiers at some time or other do not complain against their general ; nor is the wonder great if he sometimes trespassed
z [Upon this long interval between the sentence of the duke and his execution, Burnet observes, though without giv- ing his authorities, " It seems ' there was some treaty about his pardon ; for though he was condemned on the ist of ' December, he, was not exe- ' cuted till the 22nd of Janu- ' ary. What made it to be ' respited so long, and yet ' executed at last, does not * appear. It is probable it was ' from a management of the ' duke of Northumberland's,
" who, by the delay, did seem " to act in his favour, that so " he might be covered from the " popular odium which he saw '' his death was like to bring " upon him ; and at the same " time, by the means of some " who had credit with the king, " he possessed him with so bad " an opinion of the duke of " Somerset, that he, looking on " him as an implacable man, " capable of black designs, re- •' solved to let the sentence be " executed upon him." III. 40 1. See Fox, II. 669.]
CENT. XVI. of Britain. 87
in matters of state, seeing the most conscientious a. d. j^.s^.
6 Ed. VI.
politician will now and then borrow a point of law
(not to say take it for their due) even with an intent never to pay it. He was better to perform than plot, do than design. In a word, his self-hurting innocence declined into guiltiness, whose soul was so far from being open to causeless suspicions, that it was shut against just jealousies of danger ^.
46. He built Somerset House, where many like His great the workmanship better than either the foundation
or materials thereof; for the houses of three bishops, (Llandaff, Coventry and Lichfield, and Worcester,) with the church of St. Mary-le-Strand, were plucked down to make room for it ^. The stones and timber were fetched from the hospital of St. John s. This Somerset House is so tenacious of his name, that it would not change a duchy for a kingdom, when solemnly proclaimed by king James Denmark House, from the king of Denmark's lodging therein, and his sister queen Anne her repairing thereof. Surely it argueth that this duke was well beloved, because his name made such an indelible impression on this his house, whereof he was not full five years peace- ably possessed.
47. We lately made mention of Barnaby Fitz- ^^^ king's
*' instructions
patrick, to whom the king directed his letter, as who to Fitzpa-
trick for his beha-
a [Burnet, II. 276,278.] " John of Jerusalem, neere unto p
^ [" Also the parish church " Smithfield, most beautifully
" at the Strand without Temple " new builded, and late finished
" Barre was pulled downe, with "by the lord prior, named
" Strcnd Inne, and Strond " Docwray, was undermined
" Bridge, in place whereof to " and overthrowne with gun-
" build the protector's house." " powder, the stone whereof
Stow, p.595. "About the same " was applied in the building
" time the steeple and most " of the lord protector's house
"part of the church of St. " at the Strond." lb. p. 596.]
G 4
88 The Church History book vii.
A.D. 1552. was bred and brought up with him from his infancy,
'■ — '- though somewhat the older. He was prince Edward's
proxy for correction, though we may presume seldom suffering in that kind, such the prince's general inno- cence and ingenuity to learn his book ; yet when such execution was done, as Fitzpatrick was beaten for the prince, the prince was beaten in Fitzpatrick, so great an affection did he bare to his servant. Towards the end of his reign he maintained him in the court of France, both to learn fashions there, and send intelligence thence ; and it will not be amiss to insert the king's private instructions unto him how he should behave himself in the French court, partly for the rarity, partly for the certainty thereof, having it transcribed out of the original of the king's own hand, as followeth :
i. " First, he shall goe in the lord admiral's com- " pany, and at the same lord's departing he shall " have a letter to the French king, which the lord " admirall shall deliver, and present him to the " French king ; and if it shall chance that the " French king will give him any pension, entertain- " ment, or reward at his being there for the time " he tarrieth there, he shall receive it, and thank his " majesty for it, and shall serve when he shall be " appointed. Neverthelesse, when he is out of the " court he shall be most conversant with Mr. Pick- " ering ^.
ii. " And at his setting forth shall carry with him " four servants ; and if the wages amount to any " great summe (more than I give him) that the
c [Ambassador at the French and supposed suitor to queen court] ; afterwards knighted, Elizabeth.
CENT. XVI. of Britain. 89
" French kinsf o-iveth him, to live there after that a. d. 15.:; 2.
, . . PI 6 Ed. VI.
" proportion, advertisnig me or the same.
iii. " Also all this winter he shall study the " tongue, and see the manner of the court, and " advertise me of the occurrences he shall hear ; *' and if he be desirous to see any place notable or " town, he may goe thither, asking leave of the " king ; and shall behave himself honestly, more " following the company of gentlemen than pressing " into the company of the ladies there ; and his " chief pastime shall be hunting and riding.
iv, " Also his apparell, he shall wear it so fine as " shall be comely, and not much superfluous ; and " the next sommer, when either the king goeth or " sendeth any man of name into the warres to be " his lieutenant, or to lead an army, he shall desire " to goe thither ; and either himself or else shall " will Mr. Pickering, to declare to the French king " how he thinketh not himself to have fully satisfied " nor recompensed neither his majesties good enter- " tainment nor mine expectation who had sent him " over, if he should return, having so delicately and " idlely almost spent the time, without he did at " this time of service be desirous to goe himself into " the warres, by the which thing he might at this " time doe his majesty service, and also learn to doe " me service hereafter ; yea, and his majesty to if " the case so required. And therefore, seeing this " nobleman shall now goe, that his request is to " have leave to goe with him.
V. " Having said this to the French king, he shall " depart into the warres, waiting on this nobleman " that shall be sent, and there he shall mark the " divers fortifications of places, and advantages that
90 The Church History book vii.
A. D. 1552. " the enemy may take, and the orderinsr and conduct
6 Ed. VI. J J ^ n
" of the armies ; as also the fashion of the skirmishes,
" battles, and assaults, and the plats of the chief " towns where any enterprises of weight have been " done, he shall cause to be set out in black and " white, or otherwise, as he may and shall send " them hither to me, with advertisement of such " things as have passed.
vi. " Furthermore, he shall at all times when he " taketli money advertise me of it, and I shall send " him. And so the next year being well spent, " upon further advertisement, and taking leave of " the French king, he shall return.
vii. " And if there arise or grow any doubt in any " matter hereafter, in the which he shall need " advise, he shall advertise by the post, and shall " have answer thereof."
This Barnaby Fitzpatrick, after his return out of France, was created by the king baron of Upper Ossery in Ireland '^, and died a most excellent Pro- testant (as hereafter we shall shew) in the reign of queen Elizabeth, liittie 48. On the fifteenth of April the parliament ended
work in whicli had sat three months at Westminster, though nipn^'^'^' therein nothing of church matters determined, save a penalty imposed on such who should strike or draw weapon in church or churchyard % with the abolish-
^ [Queen Elizabeth, says " and bringing in horses and Burnet, II. 462. See also a " mules into the same ; where- brief account of him in Strype, " by may be gathered what in- Mem. II. 287.] " decencies and profanations
e [On Feb. 20th, this year, " were now practised in
a proclamation was issued, '' churches." Strype'sMem. II.
" prohibiting frays and fight- 299.] " ings in cathedral churches,
ment.
CENT. XVI. of Britain. 91
ino' of the general holv-days of St. Mary IMafi^clalcn a.d. 1552.
^ ^ "J J >-> 6Kd. VI.
and St. George ; yet so that it slioiikl be lawful for
the latter to be solemnly celebrated by the knights of the right honourable order of the garter; the orders of which order were about this time reformed and purged from some ancient superstitions *'.
49. Six dolphins were taken in the Thames ^, An iii pre-
^ sage.
three near Queenborough, and three above Green- [Aug. 8.] wich, where the Thames is scarce tainted with brackishness ; insomuch that many grave men dis- pensed with their wisdom, and beheld them with wonder, as not seen before on our shores : a fish much loving man and music, swifter than all other fishes, and birds too ; yea, than the swallow itself, if Pliny say true ^ ; though all their celerity besteaded them not here to escape the nets of the fishermen. Their coming up so far was beheld by mariners as a presage of foul weather at sea, but by statesmen as a prodigious omen of some tempestuous mutations in our land ; and particularly they suspected the king's death, though for the present he was very pleasant and merry in his progress about the coun- try, as by his ensuing letter to his former favourite (written in the next August) doth appear : Aug. 22.
" Edward. " The cause why we have not hitherto written " unto you have partly been the lack of a convenient " messenger, partly because we meant to have some " thing worthy writing ere we would write any " thing. And therefore, being now almost in the " midst of our journey which we have undertaken " this sommer, we have thought good to advertise ;
f [Burnet, II. 422.] Stow's Chron. 60S.]
g Godwin's Annals, [344- ** Nat. Hist. ix. 8.
92 The Church History book vii.
A. D.ifsj. " now since our last letters, dated at Greenwich, we
6 Ed. VI. ^ n r. 1
■ " departed from thence towards a thing farre con-
" trary to that wherein, as we perceive by your " diligent advertisement, you and all the countrey, " you are in, are occupied ; for whereas you all have " been occupied in killing of your enemies, in long " marchings, in painfull journeys, in extreme heat, " in sore skirmishings, and divers assaults ; we have " been occupied in killing of wilde beasts, in plea- " sant journeys, in good fare, in viewing of faire " countreys, and rather have sought how to fortifie " our own than to spoil another man's. And being " thus determined, came to Guilford, from thence to " Petworth, and so to Condray, a goodly house of " sir Anthony Browne's, where we were marvellously, " yea rather excessively banquetted. From thence " we went to Halvenaker, a pretty house besides " Chichester. From thence we went to Warblington, " a faire house of sir Richard Cotton's ; and so to " Waltham, a faire great old house, in times past " the bishop of Winchester's, and now my lord " treasurer's house. In all these places we had both " good hunting and good cheer. From thence we " went to Portsmouth town, and there viewed not " onely the town itselfe and the haven, but also " divers bulwarks, as Chatertons, Waselford, with " other ; in viewing of which we finde the bulwarks " chargeable, massey, well rampared, but ill fash- " ioned, ill flanked, and set in unmeet places ; the " town weak in comparison of that it ought to be, " too huge great, for within the walls are faire and " large closes, and much vacant room ; the haven " notable great, and standing by nature easie to be " fortified ; and for the more strength thereof we
CENT. XVI. (yf Britain. 93
" have devised two strong castles on either side ofA.D.i.ss^.
" the haven, at the mouth thereof ; for at the mouth -^—^ — '-
" the haven is not past ten score over, but in the
" middle almost a mile over, and in length for a
" mile and a half able to beare the greatest ship in
'* Christendome. From thence we went to Tichfield,
" the earl of SouthamjDton's house ^ and so to South-
" ampton town. The citizens had bestowed for our
" coming great cost in painting, repairing, and ram-
" pairing of their walls. The town is handsome,
" and, for the bignesse of it, as fair houses as be
" at London. The citizens made great cheer, and
" many of them kept costly tables. From Soutli-
" ampton we came to Bewly, a little village in the
" middle of the New Forrest ; and so to Christ-
•' church, another little town in the same Forrest,
" where we now be. And having advertised you of
" all this, we thinks it not good to trouble you any
" farther with news of this countrey, but onely that
" at this time the most part of England (thanks be
" to God) is clear of any dangerous or infectious
" sicknesse. We have received all your letters, of
" the twenty-sixth of May, of the nineteenth of
" June, and the first of August. Thus fare you
" well.
" From Christchurch, the 22 of Auaust."
o"
But, leaving the king in his progress, we come to a three- fold divi- sion of
i [Henry Wriothesley, the duke of Somerset, died 30th '^ °^^' young earl of Southampton. July, in 1550, as some think His father, Thomas Wriothes- from disappointment. See Bur- ley, who at the beginning of net, II. 9, 33, 289. Strype's this reign had been lord chan- Mem. II. 275. The young earl cellor, and lost his place from was the king's godson and ward, the powerful enmity of the Strype, ib.]
94 The Church History of Britain. book vii.
A.D. 1552. behold the bishoiis in their visitations, and find them 6Ed.VI. -. ., , . - ^ — - divided into three sorts :
i. Zealous Protestants ; as archbishop Cranmer, bishoji Ridley, Hooper, Farrer.
ii. Zealous papists ; as Gardiner, Tonstall, Bonner: which three alone were deprived of their bishoprics, and confined.
iii. Papists in heart, but outwardly conforming to the king's laws ; as Heath, archbishop of York, and many other bishops.
Here it is worthy our inquiry why this latter sort, which so complied under king Edward the Sixth, should be so stubborn and obstinate under queen Elizabeth ; whereof I can give but this reason assigned : that, growing older and nearer their graves, they groAv more conscientious and faithful to their own (though erroneous) principles ; it being in vain to dissemble now death did approach, though their younger years had been guilty of such preva- rications '^.
^ [The far more probable and comply in 1548 who would ob-
just reason is to be found in ject to compliance in 1552.
the fact that the principles of The oath of supremacy could
the Reformation became more hardly have constituted the
developed in the reign of Eli- offence in Elizabeth's reign,
zabeth, and the foreign reform- and no articles of religion were
ers exercised a greater influence for some years enforced.] than at the iirst. IMany would
SECT. II.
DIGNISSIMO VIRO
CAROLO CHENEY,
DE COMITATU BUCK. ARMIGERO, MECCENATI SUO MUNIFICENTISSIMO ».
Ethelstanus, Saxonuni monarclia, decreto sanxivit, si massere ascenderet ^, ut ter Magnum mare tranfretaret per pro- prium negotium suum, fuit deinde Taini dignus rectitu- dine. hi qua lege enucleanda, mihi aliquantillmn immo- randum; quum licet tibi, ut alia omnia, expedita, aliis forsitan aliquid nodi ei subesse videatur.
1. Massere] Mercatorem designari in confesso est.
2. Magnum mare] Mediterraneum intenditur, quo
nomine Sacrts ScripturcB sepius innotescit ^.
a [Arms. Checquy or and Wm, Fleetwood, of jMissenden
azure, a fess gules, fretty er- Magna, knight. The lady to
mine. See the Visitations, whom Fuller refers at the
preserved in the Harleian Col- close of the dedication was
lection of MSS., Nos. 1533 Jane, daughter of the truly
and 5181. This gentleman noble William marquis of New-
was the third son of Francis castle.]
Cheney, of Chesham Bays, ^ Spelmanni Concilia, I. 406.
esq., high sheriff of the county c Num. xxxiv. 6. Josh. i. 4,
of Bucks. His mother's name and xv. 12. was Anne, a daughter of sir
96
The Church History
BOOK VII.
3. Proprium negotium] Qua clausula excluditur servile
geitus, {f adores dicimus,) qui non sui Juris, sed Dominis rationem reddituri.
4. Taini] InteUlghmis melioris notcB generosum.
5. Dignus rectitucUne.] Olet hoc swculi harhariem. Sed
Ms verbis voluit Bex, ut censeatur Iso-Tainus, atque eundem honoris gradum sortiatur.
Quod si, vir clarissime, illi seculo tanta contigisset felicitas, ut tu tunc temporis vixisses, quihus titulis te decorandum Bex ille censuisset ? qui, orto tiio nohilis, mare parvum, medium, magnum, omnia, (multis aquarum terrarmnque montihus superatis,) transivisti ; idque non turpis lucri causa ut navem mercibus, sed scientice ergo, ut mentem dotibus in- structam reportares.
Te igitur in ipsissimo libri mei wnbilico {quantum paginas scriptas, nondum impressas, cestimare potui) collocandum curavi, eo consilio, quo provida natura soli inter planetas mediu/m locum assignavit, ut ex cequo, utrinque totum opus nomine tuo illustraretur.
Deus te tuamque conjugem non magis natalium splendore, quam propriis virtutibus speciabilem eousque profegat, dum in dubium venerit longiorve an beatior vestra vita sit reputanda.
A.D. mi;
6 Ed. VI
ATELY information was given to the king's council, that much costly fur- niture which was embezzled might very seasonably (such the king's pre- sent occasions) and profitably be reco- vered ; for private men's halls were hung with altar- cloths, their tables and beds covered with copes instead of carpets and coverlets. Many drank at their daily meals in chalices ; and no wonder if, in proportion, it came to the share of their horses to be watered in rich coffins of marble. And, as if first laying of hands upon them were sufficient title
CENT. XVI,
of Britain.
97
unto them, seizing on them was generally the price they had paid for them. Now, although four years were elapsed since the destruction of colleges and chantries, and much of the best church ornaments was transported beyond the seas, yet the privy council thought this very gleaning in the stubble would richly be worth the while, and that on strict inquisition they should retrieve much plate in specie, and more money for moderate fines of offenders herein. Besides, whereas parish churches had still many rich ornaments left in the custody of their wardens, they resolved to convert what was super- fluous or superstitious to the king's use ; to which purpose commissions were issued out to some select persons in every county, according to the tenor following ^ :
A.D. i«;s2. 6 Ed. VI.
^ The original, under the king's hand, was lent me by Mr. Thomas Tresham, late of Geddington in Northampton- shire. [Notwithstanding the great alienation of church lands, and the stopping of part of the revenues of several bishoprics, together with the first-fruits, which must have amounted to a considerable sum on account of the many removals in this reign, the king's debts conti- nued as oppressive as ever. In 1551 sir Thomas Gresham was sent over to Antwerp to settle the king's debts, and to take up money there for the pay- ment of them. See Strype's Mem. II. 333, 344. To liqui- date this money and pay his debts, which now amounted to 300,000/., and to raise a fund of 50,000/. for contingencies, the king devised this course,
FULLER, VOL. IV.
among others : i . To gather and coin the church plate ; for which purpose this commission was issued to several persons of eminence in the different counties, empowering them to take away from the churches and convert to the king's use all such plate as was more than barely necessary for cele- brating the communion. At this time also, and for the same purpose, the king resolved to sell the bell-metal and the lands of certain chantries, col- leges, and houses. See Strype's Mem. II. 345. And this was the reason why the promises under which this bill passed were never made good ; for the preamble of the bill set forth, " that since the converting " these [the chantry lands] to " godly uses, such as the en- " dowing of schools, provisions
98 The Church History hook vii.
A.D.JSf,2.i( Jfistructions qiven Ini the Kino's MajesUi to his
6 Fd VI J >y o •J %/
" right trusty and well-beloved Cousin and Coiin-
" sellm' the Marquis of Northampton ^, and to the " rest of his Highness' Commissioners appointed for " the Survey of Church Goods ivithin his Majesty's " County of Northampton ^
" Edward. " First, upon the receipt of the same commission " by any one of the same commissioners, he that so " shall first receive the commission shall forthwith, " with all convenient speed, give knowledge to the " rest named in the same commission, and with " them shall agree to meet and assemble with that " sjDeed they can for the execution of the same " commission and these instructions. And if any of " the said commissioners shall be dead, sick, or " otherwise be so absent out of the country for the " service of the king, that he cannot with speed " attend the same in that case, the rest of the " same commissioners, so that they be to the number
*' for the poor, and the aug- " his royal estate, and look
" mentiug of places in the " after his treasure, as knowing
" universities, could not be " it the very nerves and mar-
" done by parliament, they " row of the flourishing con-
" therefore committed it to " dition of akingdom." Ib.347.
" the care of the king." And See also the account of the
they proceed to state that they selling of rectories, in Strype,
put him in possession of these ib. 362.]
lands and revenues, " and ap- e [William Parr, brother to " point these to be converted queen Katharine, and a great " to the maintenance of gram- favourite with Edward VI. " mar schools or preachers, and Strype's Mem. II. 273.] " for the increase of vicarages." ^ [This commission was re- See Burnet, II. 95. " Tlius" solved upon 21st April, 1552. (to use honest Strype's words) See king Edward's Journal, " did this young prince mind 74.]
CENT. XVI. of Britain. 99
" appointed by the commission, shall not make a. 0.1552. " any delay from the proceeding in the same com- _ . '. — 1- " mission, but shall forthwith allot their sittings, " assemblies, and meetings for the same commission, " as in like cases hath been or shall be meet to be *' used.
" Item, For their better and more certain pro- " ceeding, the said commissioners shall, in such " cases where none of the commissioners be custos " rotulorum of that county, ne hath been since the *' beginning of our reign, command the said custos " rotulorum, or their deputy, or the clerk of the " peace of those parts, to bring or send unto them " such books, registers, and inventories, as hath " heretofore anywise come to their hands, by inden- " ture, touching the sums, numbers, and values of " any goods, plate, jewels, vestments and bells, or " ornaments of any churches, chapels, and such-like. " And likewise the said commissioners shall send to *' the bishops of every diocese wherein the said " county is situate, or to their chancellors, commis- " saries, or other ecclesiastical officers, in whose " hands or custody the like of the aforesaid inven- " tories and registers have command of them, and *' every of them, they shall receive and take the " said books, registers, and inventories. And that " done, the said commissioners shall compare both " the same inventories ; that is to say, as well such " as they shall receive and take of the custos rotu- " lorum, or their deputy, or the clerk of the peace, " as of the bishojis or other under-officers, and " according to the best, richest, and greatest inven- " tories of the said commissioners shall proceed to " make their survey and inquiry ; and by the same
H 2
100 The Church History book vii.
A.D. iss2.« make the searches of the defaults and wants that
6 Ed. V I.
" shall be found. And generally the same com-
" missioners shall, pot only by the view of the said " registers and inventories, but also by any other " means they can better devise, proceed to the due " search and inquisition of the wants and defaults " of any part of the said goods, plate, jewels, vest- " ments, bells, or ornaments.
" Item, For the more speedy obtaining of the said " registers and inventories, the said commissioners " shall receive special letters of commandment from " our privy council for the delivery thereof, which " letters the said commissioners shall deliver as they " shall see occasion.
" Item, The said commissioners shall, upon their " view and survey taken, cause due inventories to " be made, by bills or books indented, of all manner " of goods, plate, jewels, bells, and ornaments as yet " remaining, or anywise forthcoming and belonging " to any churches, chapels, fraternities, or gilds ; " and the one part of the same inventories to send " and return to our privy council, and the other to " deliver to them in whose hands the said goods, " plate, jewels, bells, and ornaments shall remain to " be kept preserved. And they shall also give good " charge and order that the same goods and every " part thereof be at all times forthcoming to be " answered, leaving nevertheless in every parish " church or chapel of common resort one, two, or " more chalices or cups, according to the multitude " of the people in every such church or chapel, and " also such other ornaments as by their discretion *' shall seem requisite for the divine service in every " such place for the time.
CENT. XVI. of Britain. 101
"And because we be informed that in many A- D. 1552.
•' 6 Ed. VI.
" i^laces great quantities of the said plate, jewels,
" bells, and ornaments be embezzled by certain " private men, contrary to our express command- " ments in that behalf; the said commissioners shall " substantially and justly inquire and attain the " knoAvledge thereof, by whose default the same is " and hath been, and in whose hands any part of " the same is come. And in that point the said *' commissioners shall have good regard that they *' attain to certain names and dwelling-places of " every person and persons that hath sold, alienated, " embezzled, taken or carried away, and of such " also as have counselled, advised, and commanded " any part of the said goods, plate, jewels, bells, " vestments, and ornaments to be taken or carried " away, or otherwise embezzled. And these things *' they shall, as certainly and duly as they can, cause " to be searched and understand.
" Upon a full search and inquiry whereof, the " said commissioners, four or three of them, shall " cause to be called before them, also the persons by " whom any of the said goods, plate, jewels, bells, " ornaments, or any other the premises, have been " alienated, embezzled, or taken away ; or by whose '* means or procurement the same or any part " thereof hath been attempted ; or to whose hands " or use any of the same or any profit of the same " hath grown ; and by such means as to their dis- " cretions shall seem best, cause them to bring into *' their the said commissioners' hands, to our use, " the said plate, jewels, bells, and other the premises *' so alienated, or the true and just value thereof, *' certifying unto our privy council the names of all
H 3
102 The Church History book vii.
A. D. 1.^52, " such as refuse to stand to or obey their order
6 Ed. VI. •' " touching the redelivery and restitution of the
" same, or the just vakie thereof : to the intent that
" as cause and reason shall require every man may
" answer to his doings in this behalf.
" Finally, our pleasure is that the said commis-
'* sioners in all their doings shall use such sober
" and discreet manner of proceeding, as the effect
" of this commission may go forward with as much
" quiet and as little occasion of trouble or disquiet
" of the multitude as may be, using to that end such
" wise persuasions in all places of their sessions as
*' in respect of the place and disi>osition of the
" people may seem to their wisdoms most exjje-
" dient ; giving